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Desci^ndants ofllenry BrieM, jr., who died at Wafer. 
tr>wn,Mass.,iat6ti6,ai«cntltLcii to hr>ld scholarships It 
Harvard ColJe^, estsblisJied in iKSo under tlie will oi 

of Waltham, Mass., with one hulf tlie incnmc of Chi: 

eliiribte to Che scholarships. The nill tcquires tha 

this announccnieut shnll be m^e ia wen book ;idde( 

to Jhe I.ibniry imdsr iU prcvisiims. 



Christopher l.,e\ 


'I he Pioneer (',ol!>nisL in (,^'^^^l> !> 

BY jAAIKS l'!ii\\[.;\-^/\ V ri-i^ \. W. 

I Adtdor op Qeorob OLEsrE OF Casco Bxv, Tub BniTisti Inv»»ic)n 

TRB North, Sir Fbriiinakdo GoRnea ami iiih 
Protibcb of Maikb, «c., »c. 



' i ■. 


Two Hundred Copies. 



From tub Press of 




Preface, - . - . . . . vii 

Memoir of Christopher Levett, - - - i 

A Voyage into New England, - - - 89 

Appendix, 140 

Index, 152 


The City of York, England, in Levett's Time, i 
The Church of St. Michael le Belfry, - 7 

Title page of Voyage into New England, 
^ Map of Old York, . . - - 

Levett Genealogy, .... 





The Maine Historical Society published in 1847 a 
book of thirty-four pages, bearing the attractive title of 
"A Voyage into New England^ begun in 1623 and ended 
in 1624, Performed by Christopher Leveti, His Majesty s 
Woodward 0/ Somersetshire, and one of the Council of 
New England, printed at London by IVilliam fones and 
sold by Edward Brewster, at the sign of the Bible, in 
Paul's Churchyard, 1628." 

This reprint of a very rare book was of considerable 
interest to historical students, and their interest in the 
book naturally awakened an interest in its author; 
hence, the frequent enquiry, " Who was Christopher 
Levett?" The most that was known about him was 
that he was a Yorkshireman, and that when he wrote 
his book, he was living at Sherborne, in Dorsetshire. 
Certainly it was evident that he was a man of some im- 
portance, since he was the King's Woodward of Somer- 

viii PREFACE. 

setshire, and a Councillor of New England, besides being 
a captain in the royal navy, and an author ; but a year's 
search of the registers of Sherborne and neighboring 
parishes failed to reveal anything respecting him. In a 
visitation of the county, however, made in 1623, was 
found the name of his wife and several of his children, 
which was considered valuable information, since it 
gave some idea of Levett's social status. Of course the 
parishes in the city and neighborhood of York demanded 
attention ; but a patient search of their registers re- 
vealed but little. The early seat of the family was found 
at Normanton, Yorkshire, and in the ancient church in 
that town was found an interesting tomb erected to 
Elizabeth Levett, the founder of a girls' school there. 
A further search. of old records disclosed the fact, that a 
branch of the family settled at Melton, where, in the 
old church, founded in the reign of Henry I, was found 
a stained window bearing the Levett arms. The regis- 
ters of numerous parishes in Yorkshire were carefully 
searched, but although Levetts were found here and 
there, offshoots of the Normanton family, Christopher 
for a long time strangely eluded discovery. Finally, 
however, a number of important items came to light ; 
first, his baptism on April fifth, 1586, and the name of 
his father, Percival, and of his mother, Elizabeth Rother- 



ford ; and later his marriage to Mercy More in the 
Church at Guisley in 1608, and the baptism of their 
four children at All Saints' Pavement in York. The 
families of his father and mother and of his wife were 
also traced through records, all of which occupied time, 
but were not fruitless. 

A considerable collection of manuscript notes had 
now been gathered, which, with numerous letters from 
antiquaries and others to the author, were arranged in 
a scrap book in chronological order, and the search was 
continued in other directions. In the office of the Public 
Records, London, important matters turned up ; a letter 
written by Levett to Buckingham's Secretary ; the letter 
book of Lord Conway, containing items relating to 
Levett's New England affairs, and a proclamation of 
Charles the First, relating to the same subject; but 
after an extended search of several years more, a most 
valuable find was made, at Melbourne House, in Derby- 
shire, the old residence of Secretary Coke, comprising a 
number of letters written by Levett to the Secretary, 
which disclosed many important facts relative to the 
writer. By permission of Lord Cowper, Mr. Fane most 
kindly copied these invaluable documents, and they 
were added to a collection which was growing apace. 

But there was one discouraging thing: after 1628, 



persistent search failed to find anything whatever relat- 
ing to Levett, except a single scrap in 1632, mentioning 
an inheritance of one of his daughters from her father. 
This revealed the important fact that he was dead at 
this date. In Winthrop*s Journal was an entry to the 
effect, that when the Governor landed at Salem in 1630, 
John Endicott and " Captain Levett " came on board 
his ship to welcome him, and somewhat later, that " Cap- 
tain Levett " died at sea on his return voyage to England. 
Was this Christopher Levett .f^ No proof could be 
adduced in support of such a supposition, and the simple 
query elicited disapprobation, as unreasonable as unex- 
pected. The query was certainly a proper one, and the 
most that could reasonably be said in reply was, that it 
might or might not have been. At last, however, a visit 
was paid to Bristol, England, the home of the Cabots, 
for the purpose of examining the ancient records there 
for matters relating to some of the early Colonists of 
New England. Among other records those of the Pro- 
bate of Bristol were examined, and. Eureka ! here was 
the proof that the " Captain Levett " of Winthrop was 
the veritable Christopher himself, the unquestionable 
proof, comprised in a brief record, to the effect, that his 
wife, Frances, administered upon his effects brought to | 
Bristol by the ship upon which he died. 




The author had now gathered enough to throw con- 
siderable light upon this first, hitherto unknown owner, of 
Portland soil, and this he now presents in the following 
pages, to those who are interested in such subjects, 
regretting deeply that he has been unable to give his 
readers a more complete account of the man himself. 
To some it will doubtless seem that the result of his 
undertaking is too insignificant to warrant the labor 
bestowed upon it. 

Before closing, the author should ackowledge favors 
received from historical friends. He cannot too fully 
express his deep sense of obligation to Dr. Francis 
Collins, formerly of the Charter House, London, and 
now of Fulford, York, who has, to use the words of the 
late Rev. Frederick Brown, " lovingly aided " the author 
in his researches. His warm thanks are likewise due 
to Dr. John Sykes, of Doncaster, and Wm. Noel Sanis- 
bury, Esq., of the Rolls House, London. To Dr. Chas. 
E. Banks, Hubbard W. Bryant and Henry F. Waters, 
the author is also indebted for favors. 

A closing word in relation to Levett's book: this 
it was thought best to reproduce with all its quaint spell- 
ings and abbreviations ; indeed, with all its errors. The 
author has always doubted the propriety of reproducing 
abbreviations and errors, or unusual departures from the 



modern orthographical standard, but the custom of 
printing ancient books in their original forms has been 
adopted by so many eminent historical scholars, that he 
has thought it prudent to follow, more constieto. 


Mackworth Island, Sept. i8, 1893. 


|HE family of Levett' is of ancient origin, and 
in the reign of Henry the seventh, was seated 
at Normanton in Yorkshire,' where it had 
flourished for many generations. 

A branch of the family, through marriage with an 
heiress, took root at Melton, as we know from a deed of 


1* The name is frequently so spelt 
in ancient annals, and is the form 
used by the subject of this memoir, 
as will be seen by reference to his 

2. This ancient family is repre- 
sented in the Normanton church by 
a brass tablet bearing the arms of 
Levett, sable, a fess embattled, coun- 
ter embattled between three lions, 
heads erased, argent, with this in- 
scription : 

** Here lieth entombed the body of 

Robert, son of Thomas Levett, 

of Normanton, Gnt. who was 

buryed the 29 day of March, 

Anno Dni. 1687, 
iEtatis Suae. 29." 
Also the following inscription may 
be seen here : 

" Normanton Church, 
To the Memory 
of Mrs. Elizabeth Levett, widow, who 
by her will, vested in 6 Trustees £200, 
the interest of one for the use of the 
Poor of Normanton, Snydale. 
The interest of the other for a Dame 
to teach the Girls of Normanton 
& Woodhouse to read, knit & sow. 
She also gave £50, half of it condi- 
tionally to build a poor house & 
the other for the use of the poor." 


partition of lands, dated the twentieth of June in the 
fourth year of that reign' ; besides, the family coat of 
arms may still be seen emblazoned upon a stained glass 
window in the venerable church of Melton, which was 
founded in the reign of the first Henry, 

Other offshoots from the family took root here and 
there in Yorkshire ; indeed, for many generations they 
did not grow beyond the limits of the old county, and 
the persistency with which they clung to it made them 
distinctly a Yorkshire family^ ; hence we may understand 
why Christopher Levett, the subject of this brief mono- 
graph, entitled himself on several occasions as of York, 
even after he had removed to another county in the 
English realm. It was but an exhibition of family pride 
quite as pardonable as natural. 

Christopher Levett was one of a family of four chil- 
dren born in the city of York, where he received baptism 
at All Saints Pavement on April 5, 1586. 

His father was Percival Levett, innkeeper, who was a 
man of character and influence, since he was made free 
of the city in 1581 ; filled the office of City Chamberlain 

in 1584, 

8. Vide Hunters' South York- 
shire. London, 1828, Vol. I, p. 365. 

4. Vide Berry's Sussex Genealo- 
gies, pp. 229, 373 ; Dallaway's Sussex, 
Vol. II, Part 1, p. 345; Forster's Vis- 

itation of Yorkshire, p. 644 ; Harleian 
Society's Publications, Vol. VIII. p. 
437 ; Hunters* Deanery of Doncaster, 
Vol. 1, p. 365; Millers' History of 
Doncaster, p. 186. 



in 1584, and was Sheriff in 1597-8. His uncle, Richard 
Levett, was also a man of note in his native town, of 
which he was mayor in 1596, and again in 1608. The 
mother of Christopher Levett was Elizabeth Rotherforth, 
the daughter of Alexander, and niece of Robert Rother- 
forth, " gent," as the records designate him, from whom 
she inherited property in Yorkshire. Of the childhood 
and youth of Christopher Levett, unfortunately no me- 
morials have reached us, and but for his voyage to the 
shores of Casco Bay, his very name would have been 
buried in oblivion. His youth was passed in stirring 
times, when Briton and Spaniard were engaged in a 
deadly struggle for the mastery of the seas, and when all 
eyes were turning towards a new world in the West, just 
emerging from an obscurity hitherto impenetrable; a 
richer prize than had yet aroused to destructive activity 
the cupidity of the nations of Europe. 

Sir Francis Drake had encompassed the world, and 
tiie marvelous story of his adventures was still fresh, 
quickening the iaspirations of the youth of that age of 
poetry and romance ; of measureless ambition and mag- 
nificent achievement. He was in his cradle when Drake 
scattered to the winds Spain's invincible Armada, and his 
infant slumbers must have been disturbed by the joyful 
tumult with which the tidings of that beneficent exploit 




was welcomed in the streets of his native town ; and later, 
he must have often listened with eager ears to the ad- 
ventures of Hawkins and Drake, Gilbert, Ralegh and 
Frobisher, the latter of whom was a Yorkshireman, told 
by gossips over their ale in his father's inn. 

Respecting his education, we know that he received 
a fair one for his time. The Levetts, as a family, favored 
letters, John, a nephew, was an author'' ; Christopher 
himself twice adventured authorship, and his son Jeremy 
graduated at Cambridge and became a preacher. We 
may well picture him then, trudging to school through 
the streets of the old town where the Levett inn stood, 
and follow him througli the varied, but familiar experi- 
ences of school life, until the time arrived for him to 
take up his life work; and what so attractive to the 
young man of the Elizabethan age as a life of maritime 
adventure ? 

The men who commanded the admiration of the 
world in this age were mariners, heroes of the seas, to 
whom was rendered unstinted worship. No names stood 


6. A copy of a book in the British 

Museum by John Levett, entitled 

" The Ordering of Bees," printed in 

London, a. d. 1634, contains a preface 

by "S. Purcas" in rhyme. One of 

the stanzas is as follows : 

" Thy selfe, thy aelfe enough, enough 

thy Booke, 

Thy Booke commands, and 7, my 

Levett, leave it. 
Here in small Bees, God's greatnesse 

first I looke, 
And thee thy selfe though dead to 

live yet." 

A "John Levet, Merchant," was 

one of the Virginia Company, named 

in the charter of 23d May, 1609. 


higher on the roll of glory than those of Columbus and 
Cabot. These great navigators were regarded almost 
as demi-gods, and there were men then living, who re- 
ceived almost as rich a meed of reverence. No wonder, 
then, that Christopher Levett, when he reached a suitable 
age, made choice of the sea for his field of enterprise. 

Unfortunately we know not with whom he served his 
apprenticeship ; but no doubt with some of the seamen 
of the time, whose names are yet familiar. He was near- 
ing manhood when Elizafceth ended her brave reign so 
wretchedly, and was succeeded by that caricature of 
royalty, James Stuart, whose pernicious policy caused 
England, who had proudly vaunted herself, to become 
contemptible among the nations of Europe, who were 
her inferiors in all things which constitute true national 

It was difficult enough in Elizabeth's reign for young 
men to make their way in life, so restrictive were the laws, 
and so numerous were court favorites, who, with their 
monopolies, blocked the course of commerce and ham- 
pered the industries of the nation ; but with James came 
a more rapacious horde of these creatures of royalty 
than had hitherto oppressed England, and to make 
matters worse, the avenue to military success, which had 
been a principal one, was suddenly closed by the new 



monarch, to whom every thing which savored of war 
was odious ; thus, at the period when Christopher Levett 
entered manhood, it had become almost impossible for 
anyone to gain access to any avenue of success, unless 
through the patronage of some court favorite. 

What Levett's course was at this time we know not, 
but later on we find him attached to Buckingham, the 
chief of that swarm of vampires, who were then preying 

upon the English people. 


A reaction against religious tyranny had long before 
begun, and as it progressed it drew to itself those opposed 
to oppression in every form. Those who allied them- 
selves to this movement were of various opinions, and 
the kind and degree of their opposition varied accord- 

How far young Levett was affected by this movement, 
we are not informed ; but we find him, at the age of 
twenty-one, intimate in the family of Robert More, rector 
of Guisley, a famous Puritan of his day^ and hence 
opposed to the existing order. 

It is the old story. The sturdy Puritan had a fair 
daughter, named after the Puritan style, Mercy, and with 


6. The will of this noted man was 
recently discovered by Dr. F. Collins, 
of Fulford, York, and kindly sent to 
nie. The original, knawed by rats 

and otherwise defaced, has been care- 
fully copied by Dr. Collins, and is 
deemed of sufficient interest to be 
placed in the appendix to this work. 



her Christopher fell in love, and found his affection re- 
ciprocated. Evidently the father looked with favor upon 
his daughter's choice, as the young people were married 
in the church at Guisley before the close of the year 1608 ; 
Levett, who was of the parish of St. Michael le Belfry at 
York, having obtained there a license to be married in 
the former parish. That the newly married couple took 
up their residence in York, we learn from the fact that 
here we find recorded the baptism of their children. The 
names of these, all baptized at All Saints Pavement, are 
Sarah, baptized September 27, 1610; Rebecca, June 28, 
1 61 2; Mary, September 7, 161 3; and Jeremy in 16 14. 

It has been remarked that Christopher Levett had 
attached himself to Buckingham, which accounts for his 
removal from York and residence in Sherborne in Dor- 
setshire, where we find him, in 161 8, employed in the 
royal forests. 

In the British Museum is a book written by him and 
published at the time by William Jones, who, a few years 
later, published his Voyage into New England. 

The title of this book is as follows : 



Timber Measures. 




Wherein is contained the true content of the 
Mast timber Trees within the Realme of 

England, which vsually are to 
be bought and sold. 

Drawne into a brief Method by way of Arithmeticke 
and, contrived into such a forme, that the most simple 
man in the world, if he doe but know Figures in their 
places, may vnderstand it, and by the due observing of 
it shall be made able to buy and sell with any man be he 
never so skillful, without danger of being deceived. 
By C. L. of Sherborne in the Countie 
of Dorset, Gent. 

A Toone of Timber doth containe 40 square foot. 

In a foot square is 1 728 Inches. 

In three-quarters of a foot is ; 1296 Inches. 

In halfe a foot is 0864 Inches. 

In a quarter of a foot is 0432 Inches. 

Printed by William lones, 1618." 

The dedication is — 

" To the High and Mightie James 

By the Grace of God, 

King of Great Britaine, France and Ireland." 

and is signed — 

'' Your 



Your Majesties loyall 
subject till death. 

Christopher Levett." 

The book is commended — 

" To the Right Honorable The Nobilitie 
of the Realm of England by 
Your Honors poore friend." 

Under a quaint head piece the reader is also ad- 
dressed as follows : 

" To all Timber buyers and sellers and 

all others that deale in Timber or Timber workes 

that love good dealing, and to be well 

dealt with. 

Your Wel-willer, 
C. LJ " 

Then, under the title "An Abstract for Timber- 
measures," are tables arranged to show the contents of 
pieces of timber of various sizes. Levett's book evi- 
dently found an extensive use, as it furnished a ready 
means for ascertaining the contents of lumber by a 
method then quite new; indeed, Levett appears as a 


7. It 18 doubtful if another copy 
of this book exists. It is bound witli 
•everal other unimportant publica- 


tions, and may easily escape the at- 
tention even uf one interested in the 


pioneer in compiling tables of measurement. This book 
was doubtless of benefit to the author, as it brought him 
to the king's attention. He was acquainted with timber, 
and possessed of a knowledge of ships, gained from his 
profession of a mariner ; hence, he was well fitted for 
the position to which he was assigned, that of Wood- 
ward, of Somersetshire. This was an office of consid- 
erable importance, as it placed the royal forests largely 
under the control of the incumbent. 

From these forests was drawn the timber for the 
British navy, the right arm of English power, and owing 
to the ignorance or dishonesty, or both combined, of the 
officials who managed them, they often suffered serious 
spoliation. The protection of the forests had for some 
time been a subject of solicitude to those who had the 
welfare of the kingdom at heart, and methods for their 
preservation had been discussed. 

The Woodward's duties were somewhat onerous. He 
was not only expected to protect the growing timber 
against trespassers, but to select and mark, with the 
king's broad arrow, trees suitable for conversion into 
masts for the royal navy. 

Levett claimed to have performed the duty disinter- 
estedly, and for the best interests of the realm. If he 
did this, he certainly accomplished what some of his 



predecessors failed to accomplish, if the stories told of 
the management of the forests were true. 

In 1623, Levett, who is spoken of as one of the 
captains of his Majesty's ships, was still a resident of 
Sherborne, the favorite home of Ralegh. His wife, 
Mercy, had died, and he had married Frances, the 
daughter of Oliver Lottisham, Esq., of Farrington, Som- 
. ersetshire, and their children were Timothy, then aged 
eight, and Elizabeth, aged six years. The Lottishams 
were an old county family of distinction, and this marriage 
gives us an idea of Levett's social standing. 

The public interest in the new world had been aroused 
to a remarkable degree by the opposition, which had been 
raised in Parliament against the charter of the Council 
for New England, on account of the monoply which it 
was attempting to exercise in accordance with the priv- 
ileges which had been conferred upon it by Royal char- 

A clamor was raised against the Council, the head 
and front of which was Sir Ferdinando Gorges. The 
indefatigable efforts of Gorges to open New England to 
colonization, aided by Captain John Smith and others, 
who had visited the coast and returned home with some 
knowledge of the vast resources of the country, and es- 
pecially the achievement of the brave men, who had suc- 


cessfully established themselves at Plymouth, had at 
last awakened the English people to a partial realization 
of the fact that their colonial possessions in the West 
were important, and this tended to increase hostility 
to the monopolists. Within the territory of this vast 
monopoly, which extended from the fortieth to the forty- 
eighth parallel of latitude, and from the Atlantic to the 
Pacific, it was ^ necessary to establish some degree of . 
governmental order. 

The powers of the Council were extensive, as it had 
ample authority to enact laws and to establish courts ; 
in fact, to create and set in motion everything necessary 
to energetic rule ; nor was its jurisdiction confined by 
territorial limits, but extended to those on the high seas, 
who were coming to or departing from its domain. 
Besides these remarkable powers, the Council could con- 
trol the entire commerce of New England. No vessel 
engaged in commerce could enter a seaport or river, or 
touch at an island within the limits of the Council's 
charter, without incurring liability to seizure and confis- 
cation. Nor was this enough ; the Captain and crew 
might be imprisoned and punished in any manner not 
contrary to the laws and statutes of England.* Such 
powers imposed heavy responsibilities upon those who 


8. Vide Sir Ferdinando Gorges 
and his Province of Maine, Boston, 

1890, Prince Society, Vol. 2. pp. 123- 


might wield them, and it was necessary for the Council 
to select men of character and ability to represent it. 

At this time Christopher Levett was contemplating 
a voyage to New England with the view of establishing 
a colony. 

On the fifth of May, 1623, the Council for New Eng- 
land voted to grant him 6000 acres of land, to be selected 
by him within the limits of its charter,' and Levett at 
once set on foot measures to accomplish his purpose. 
A prominent feature of his plan was to erect a city within 
the territory controlled by him, and to christen it after 
his native city, York. Not only was this grateful to his 
pride as a citizen of the minster town, but it was expected 
that the novel enterprise would attract the attention of 
his Yorkshire friends, and enlist their interest. His first 
step, after securing his grant, was to get the ear of Secre- 
tary Conway, whose influence was secondary only to 
that of Buckingham, and in this he so far succeeded, that 
he not only obtained from the obliging Secretary his 
own, but also the king's endorsement of the enterprise, 
as we learn from the following letter, addressed by Con- 
way to the Lord President of York.'** Right 

9. Vide Records of the Council 
for New England, Cambridge, 1867, 
p. 46. '* In consideraQon of a statute 
given by Mr. Christopher Levitt, Esqr, 
for jCIIO to bee a principall patten tee. 
Prout pr statute. It is ordered that 
a grant bee made uuto Mr. Levitt for 

6,000 acres of land, prout, &c. This 
grartt was drawne by S' Henry Spel- 
man and signed, prout, &c." 

10. Vide Conway's Letter Book, 
No. 218, p. 68, in the office of the 
Public Records, London, for the orig- 
inal of this letter. 


Bight Honorable: 

I am commanded by his Ma., to acquaint yo. Ld. with the good 
judgment his Ma., makes of the undertaking in New England more 
particularly of the plantaijon intended in that part by his servant 
Mr. Christopher Levett one of the Counsell for the settlement of 
the planta^on where he hath one designe that is generally honorable 
to the Nation and to the p'ticular County and City of Yorke intend- 
ing to build a Citty and call it by the name of Yorke. This appli- 
cation of his whole designe to the p'ticular County of Yorke, 
deserves p'ticular contribution of favo. towards this soe notable a 
good worke. His sute is that he might have Adventurers to joyne 
w., him to sett forth fiftie men w., fiftie others that he intends to 
carrie over, 1 1 and that such as shal be unwilling to adventure may 
neverthelesse be mooved to contribute towards building of a Fort 
which he intends to make for the preservation of those i* that are 
to depend upon him, & to secure tiie planta9on. His Ma., request 
therefore to yo. L. is that yo. will employ your industrie and yo. 
judicious mediation betweene the Gentlemen of that Countie and 
Mr. Levett and by all fair psuasions to weane from the Countie 
some assistance upon such conditions as may be just and suteable 
w. his reputa^on w. favo. his Ma., will acknowledge as done att his 
request. And 1 am glad of this opportunity to doe this Gentleman 

a good 

11. In the original the following 
words after the word "over," are 
era«ed, ** or else that he might have 
some contribution to enable him to 
take with him these fiftie men he 

raifteth hiniHelfe he being resolved to 
make a effort." 

12. After the word "those" the 
following words are erased, *' wch 
shall preserve all.' 



a good office and to present my service to yo. L. w. that affection 
& respect w. becomes 

Yo. Lo., humble servant, 


Greenwich, 26 June 1623. 

Although Levett had this strong endorsement, which 
without doubt engaged the active efforts of Lord Scrope'* 
in his behalf, he did not succeed in getting so many of 
his old Yorkshire friends to join him in his promising 
enterprise as he had hoped to get ; nevertheless, he ob- 
tained a ship and a number of men, and with them set 
out for New England, not long after the date of this 

It had been arranged that Levett was to be one of 
the councillors in the new government, which the Coun- 
cil for New England contemplated setting up in their 
domain. The head of this government was Robert 
Gorges^'* the younger son of Sir Ferdinando, who was 


13. Edward, Lord Conway, Secre- 
tary of State, afterwards Viscount 
Killaltagh and Viscount Conway. 

14. Lord Emanuel Scrope, Lord 
President of York, afterwards Earl 
of Sunderland. 

1& A l)rief account of Robert 
Grorgesisto be found in Sir Ferdi- 
nando Grorges and his Province of 
Maine, Boston, Prince Society, Vol. 
II, p. 167. Bradford, in his History of 

Plymouth Plantation, p. 148. et seq., 
says ; " About ye middle of Septem- 
ber arrived Captaine Robert Gorges 
in ye Bay of ye Massachusetts with 
sundrie passengers and families, in- 
tending there to begine a plantation ; 
and pitched upon ye place Mr. Wes- 
ton's people had forsaken. 

He had a comission from ye Coun- 
sell of New England to be a generall 
Gover. of ye cuotries, and they ap- 



commissioned Governor and Lieutenant General of New 
England. The other councillors were Captain Francis 
West'* and the Governor of New Plymouth. In addition 
to his office of councillor, Captain West held a commis- 
sion as Admiral, and Captain Thomas Squibb'^ as Vice 
Admiral, of New England. These had authority to 
choose such associate councillors as they might think 
necessary to aid them in the administration of the new 
government. As the church was to be erected in the 
wilderness, the Reverend William Morrell'* was charged 
with that important undertaking. All these men were 
of good character and possessed of fair ability. 

In spite of the clamor which had been raised against 
the monopoly of Gorges and his associates, the king's 
sympathies were with them, and his Privy Council fol- 

pointed for his counsell and assist- 
ance, Captaine Francis West, ye 
aforesaid admirall, Cliristopher Lev- 
ite, Esquire, and ye Govr. of Plimotti 
for ye time beeing, &c/' 

16. Vide Sir Ferdinand© Gorges 
and bis Province of Maine, Vol. I, p. 

17. Capt. Thomas Squibb, who 
bore the somewhat exaggerated title 
of Vice Admiral in this expedition, 
belonged to a class of roving adven- 
turers of which Capt. John Smith 
was a typical representative. 

Some time previous to his appoint- 

ment under West, he had been a 
captive in Algiers, and upon regain- 
ing bis liberty, found congenial em- 
ployment in a fleet sent out from 
England to reduce the pirates. 

He did not long remain in New 
England to help prop up the govern- 
ment of Gorges, for we tind him, ere 
long, a privateersman, despoiling the 
enemies of England, in which profit- 
able occupation, diligently followed 
by him for several years, the world 
loses sight of him forever. 

18. Vide Ibid, Vol. 1, p. 129. 


lowed the views of the monopolists in shaping orders for 
the regulation of trade in New England. These were 
strict, and the Admiral was directed to affix them to the 
mainmast of every ship bound for New England. 

Christopher Levett reached the Isles of Shoals, which 
appear to have been his first landfall after leaving the 
shores of England, in the autumn of 1623, where he 
landed, and from there proceeded to a place now known 
as Odione's Point, at the mouth of the Piscataqua, where 
David Thompson, an enterprising young man, had, a 
few months before, settled a small colony. Here Levett 
found Governor Gorges and other members of the new 
government awaiting his arrival ; and here, after Levett 
had received the oath of office, was formally organized 
the first government, de jure if not de facto^ over New 
England. Levett was obliged to remain at Thompson's 
for a month, though he made good use of his time in 
exploring the country in the vicinity, in order to collect 
his men, many of whom had already found their way to 
New England before him, and were awaiting his arrival, 
probably about the mouth of the Saco and Spurwink, 
and perhaps at points even further East. 

The season was far advanced when his men assembled 
at Thompson's, and it proved to be unpropitious for ex- 
ploration ; but dividing his company into two parties, he 



coasted Eastward, suffering much inconvenience from 
the rough weather which he encountered, as he had only 
open boats with which to explore the coast. His courage 
and cheerful disposition, however, were equal to the occa- 
sion, and defied the wild storms of sleet and snow which 
assailed him. After examining the region about the 
York river,'^ which he found suitable for planting, he pro- 
ceeded to the Kennebunk and explored the little harbor 
of Cape Porpoise, which did not impress him favorably, 
though he noticed good timber in the vicinity. From 
here he set his course for Saco, losing one of his men on 
the way ; in what manner he does not explain ; and had 
not proceeded far before a thick fog curtained the land 
from view. He was, however, wise enough before losing 
sight of land to take its bearings, which enabled him to 
keep his course correctly. The wind, which was blowing 
off shore, kept increasing in violence, and as night shut 
down upon Levett and his boat's crew, for the other boat 
had disappeared, their condition was perilous. This they 
realized and took counsel together as to the best method 
to adopt for their safety. The roaring of the great waves 
as they broke along the beaches, which here fringe the 
coast for a long distance, made the gloom of night, as it 
gathered about them, all the more terrible. It was im- 
possible to make a landing owing to the dangerous surf, 


19. Vide Sir Ferdinando Gorges and his Province of Maine, Vol. I, p. 130. 


and throwing out their little anchor, Levett and his weary 
crew anxiously wished for the day. At dawn, "with 
much ado," they made a landing and found the other 
boat safe. Putting up a feeble shelter against the storm 
with their sails, for five days they retained this place 
as a base from which to make their explorations. Here 
they found plenty of wild fowl, upon which they regaled 
themselves, and save for the fact that they were obliged 
to sleep in their wet clothing, on the water soaked and 
frosty ground, they were not badly off. When the storm 
permitted, Levett, taking with him six men, set out on 
foot to explore the coast, but after proceeding about two 
miles he found an impassable barrier to further progress 
in the Saco river, which compelled him to return to 
camp, and finding the marsh grass sufficiently dry, he 
set his men gathering it for a bed, which he greatly en- 
joyed ; or as he himself expressed it, " rested as con- 
tentedly as ever I did in all my life " ; indeed, he was 
reminded by the comfort, which the dry straw gave him, 
of the merry saying of a beggar, that if he were ever " a 
king, he would have a breast of mutton with a pudding 
in it, and lodge every night up to the ears in dry straw," 
and with the abundant cheerfulness which marked his 
character, he kept his companions in good spirits by 
witty anecdotes, wholesomely spiced with piety, to the 



effect that they were having, even then, much greater 
blessings than they deserved at God's hands. The next 
day Levett sent one of his boats with four men to skirt 
the shore along the mouth of the Saco, while he with 
three others set off across the country on foot, with the 
intention of meeting the boat and crossing the river in 
it, but bad weather and deep snow prevented, and com- 
pelled him and his companions to sleep upon the river's 
bank, almost without shelter. 

When morning came, they crossed the Saco and 
explored the coast as far east as the Spurwink. Every- 
where they found abundance of game, which in a measure 
compensated for the many deprivations, which they were 
obliged to suffer. A primeval forest fringed the shores, 
from which loomed above their fellows immense pines 
suitable for the tallest ships which sailed the seas, and in 

greater profusion than Levett had ever pictured in his 


dreams; as he expressed it, there was everywhere, "a 
world of fowl and good timber." The Saco River was the 
strongest he had ever beheld, owing to the force of its 
current, which was so strong that he found the water " in 
the very main ocean " as fresh as from " the head of a 
spring." This strange river, he was told by the savages, 
issued from a great mountain to the west, called the 
Crystal Hill, so high as to be seen by mariners as far 
west as Cape Cod, and east, as Monhegan. Old 


Old Orchard Beach, which Champlain and De Monts 
had visited and described, when, seventeen years before, 
they, like Levett, were seeking for a place where they 
might settle a colony, attracted his attention, but Ifke 
his predecessors, he did not deem it suitable for habita- 
tion ; an opinion in which the many, who now so happily 
sojourn there, would not acquiesce. None of these places 
fully satisfied our explorer, and he returned to the camp 
where he had left a number of his men at " Saco " ; not the 
site of the present city of that name, but nine miles below 
it, at a place now called the Pool, where Richard Vines, 
the then future founder of Biddeford, had passed a winter 
with the natives a few years before. Here he was 
seized with a chill, the result of excessive toil and expo- 
sure to wet and cold, from which, however, thanks to a 
hardy constitution, he soon recovered. Having prepared 
for a more extended exploration, he set out with his 
entire company, and skirted the coast until he reached 
the islands at the mouth of Portland Harbor. These 
islands, now known as House, Cushing's, Peak's, and 
Diamond, with the harbor which they helped to form, 
pleased him. The region he calls by the not eupho- 
nious name of Quack, which probably but imperfectly 
represents the sound in the Indian tongue. 

Levett explored the harbor and rowed up Fore river, 




which he named Levett's river, and which, the Indians 
informed him, abounded with salmon in their season. 
Although inwardly resolving to make this the site of his 
future city, he wished to study the coast eastward, and 
pushed on past Munjoy to the mouth of the Presump- 
scot. This beautiful river, with the green island at its 
outlet^° dividing its waters as they course to the sea, 
must have presented a striking picture to Levett, as he 
rounded Martin's Point,^' with its wide spreading oaks 
and lofty pine.s sweeping to the water's edge. Pulling 
up toward the first fall of the Presumpscot, which he 
declares to be " bigger than the fall at London bridge," 
he soon came in sight of the home of the red men, who 
welcomed him with abundant hospitality ; the chief shar- 
ing with him his own habitation. This 

20. Mack worth Island, granted to 
Arthur Mackworth by Richard Vines, 
acting in behalf of Sir Ferdinando 
Gorges, the Lord Proprietor, March 
SO, 1635. Mackworth's residence was 
on the point bearing his name oppo- 
site the island, which pedestrians can 
reach by a bar left bare at low tide. 
This island was a favorite resort of 
the Indians, whose camps surrounded 
its bold shores. Recently a large 
portion of it was ploughed for the 
first time, exposing the locations and 
forms of the ancient camps, and un- 
earthing various implements, frag- 
ments of aboriginal pottery, bones 

and ashes. Though more than two 
hundred and fifty years have passed 
since it was granted to Arthur Mack- 
worth, it still bears the name of its 
first owner. 

21. This beautiful promontory, 
now crowned by the U. S. Marine 
Hospital buildings, derives its name 
from Richard Martin, an illiterate 
fisherman, first in the employ of John 
Winter, the agent of Robert Trelawny, 
at Richmond's Island, but who, after 
the wreck of Trelawny's enterprise, 
settled on this point and became Ar- 
thur Mackworth's nearest neighbor. 


This locality seems to have been a convenient rendez- 
vous for the Indians, for while Levett sojourned with 
Skitterygusset, the sagamore of the Presumpscot, several 
chiefs from east and west gathered here in a friendly 
manner, bringing their families with them, and such furs 
as they had gathered during the winter, to barter with the 
English. With these savages Levett soon found him- 
self on friendly terms, and when he left the Presumpscot, 
Sadamoyt, the great chief of the Penobscots, in a fervor 
of affectionate feeling, pressed upon him a beaver skin, 
as a token of esteem. 

In spite of his predilection for Portland Harbor, 
Levett prolonged his voyage to the vicinity of the Saga- 
dahoc, where Gorges, always confidently hoping to re- 
trieve the failure of his enterprise under Popham, was 
intending to found a " state county," and to build a city, 
which was to have the honor of being christened by the 

Levett, in his voyage along the shores of Maine, found 
the Indians everywhere kindly disposed towards him, 
and numerous sites suitable for plantation. His heart, 
however, was set on the region about Portland Harbor, 
which his practiced eye told him was the most suitable 
place on the coast for a maritime city, and after a brief 




examination of the Eastern coast, he returned there and 
selected the site for his prospective city of York. 

Levett's probity was as marked as his sagacity, and 
instead of seizing upon the land by virtue of his English 
patent, he procured from Cogawesco, the Sagamore of 
Casco, and his wife, permission to occupy it, recognizing 
them as inhabitants of the country, and as having " a 
natural right of inheritance therein." This is in marked 
contrast with most other patentees of lands in New 
England, and is highly to his credit. By this wise act, 
he secured the good will of the Indians and thereby 
greatly strengthened his position ; indeed, he so won 
upon the affections of the childish and passionate natives, 
that they strove to persuade him not to leave them, but 
to remain and share their rude lot. Having secured the 
site for his city, Levett promptly set about erecting 
a habitation, fortified to protect its inmates from attack 
by the Indians, who thronged the bay in search of fish 
and game ; indeed, the islands and shores of Casco Bay 
were as much a summer resort of the Indians as they 
now are for men of another race. 

Having completed his building on an island at the 
mouth of the harbor, and placed in it ten men to hold 
possession, Levett bade adieu to his Indian friends, who 
expressed sorrow at his departure, assuring him that they 



should watch the sea for his return, and should welcome 
him and the friends whom he might bring with him to 
his new home. 

When Levett reached England, he found affairs there 
unfavorable for his undertaking. The patent for New 
England, under which he had received title, had been 
on trial before Parliament, and had been adversely 
passed upon as a monoply. There was also trouble with 
Spain, owing to the rupture of the marriage contract be- 
tween Prince Charles of England and the Princess Maria 
of Spain, brought about by the intrigues of Buckingham. 
A new danger, still greater, threatened Englishmen who 
had already settled in New England or contemplated 
settling there ; as the French monarch, whose sister, the 
Princess Henrietta, had taken the place of the Spanish 
Princess in the affections of Prince Charles, laid claim to 
a large portion of the American continent, embracing 
the whole of New England. 

The enthusiasts, who had founded powerful States, 
and prosperous cities in New England, with materials no 
more substantial than paper and ink, lost heart, and 
Levett found none bold enough to join him in his 
enterprise. No matter how fervent his faith in the new 
country, its possession under a title from the Council, 
or even from the English Crown, might be disputed. 



Surely there was little to warrant men to encounter the 
perils with which emigration was surrounded. 

Baffled in his efforts to interest others in his New 
England scheme, Levett now sought a command in one 
of the many expeditions fitting out for foreign service. 
The Count of Mansfeldt had raised a large force of Eng- 
lishmen, and the fleet bearing them had sailed from 
Dover some weeks before Levett sighted the shores of his 
native land ; indeed, when he arrived, news was already 
reaching England of the dire disasters which were befall- 
ing this ill-planned expedition, but which only served to 
fire the ambition of aspiring adventurers. 

The Christmas of 1624 was passed by Levett in the 
bosom of his family, at his home in Sherborne. His last 
Christmas had been spent on the wild shores of Maine, 
amid savage people, exposed to bitter blasts and restricted 
to meager fare ; but now, at home in Merry Old Eng- 
land, having safely returned from a voyage, the hardships 
and hazards of which were appalling to homefolk, we 
may well believe that he gave, by his presence at the 
family fireside and his stories of strange adventure, a 
keen zest to the joy of those who shared with him the 
happiness of that happiest of festal days, and that wife, 
children and kinsfolk united in making the occasion as 
joyful as possible. But Levett was a man who could not 



long remain idle, and the sounds of busy preparation, 
which came to him from every quarter, prompted him to 
action; therefore, while he was eating his Christmas 
dinner, and relating stories of his savage friends in Casco 
Bay, he was thinking of a letter to be written to Secre- 
tary Coke," which, if favorably received, would soon take 
him from his family and place him amid new perils. 
This letter was written to the Secretary on the day after 
Christmas, and began by speaking of the writer's change 
of heart several years before, and of the desire which was 
awakened in him to do something for the glory of God 
and the good of the Church and Commonwealth. Before 
this, Hakluyt had told of the wonderful new world peopled 
with degraded men, whose souls could be saved by Chris- 
tian effort, and eloquent divines had repeated his words 
to wondering auditors. To such " Reverend and worthy 
friends" Levett told the noble Secretary he went for 
counsel, and while he asserted his confidence in being 
able with assistance to make his New England enterprise 
successful, he begged for employment of some kind, 
though possessed of means sufficient for his support " in a 
reasonable good fashion," since he could not exist in 
idleness, and in support of his case he adduced, as usual, a 


i 22. Sir John Coke was made one 
ol the Secretaries of State on the ac- 
cession of Charles First, and held this 

office for fourteen years, when he re- 
tired to Melbourne House, where he 
died in September, 1644. 


quaint maxim or two : " That an idle person lieth open to 
all temptations ; that he is a drone among bees ; that he 
is worse than an infidel that doth not provide for himself 
and his family ; that every man ought to eat his own 
bread ; that he is not worthy to live in the church or 
commonwealth that is not beneficial to both " ; but it 
seems well to preserve this letter in its original form ; 
hence it is here given in full. 

To THE Right Worl Sr John Cooke one of the Masters of 
Requests in Ordinary to his Matie 


Might worthy and wo^^ : 

Havinge had so suffetient tryall of your worth and love I am 
imbouldened at this tyme to troble you, Intreatinge to be pleased 
to give me leve to acnoleage my selfe unto you. About 5 or 6 yeers 
since it pleased god to open my eyes that I see playnly that my 
youth was spente in vanety and that my course of life was no way 
pleasinge to him (Though I could not be much taxed by any), and 
that I must take a new course if I ment to live for ever wth Christ 
in his kingdome. Ever since I have earnestly desiered that god in 
mercy could use me as an instrument to bringe glory to his name 
and some good to his Churche and this Comonwelth wherin I live, 
when the first motion for New England was mayd unto me, I tooke 
Councelle of some Reverend and worthy frends who advysed me to 
it by all meanes and I am ps waded if I may have some assistance I 
should bringe that to pas wch I so much thirste after I besech you 
S'. helpe me forwards wth that or some other Imployment for truly 



as I now live my life is a burthen to me (I thanke god I have suf- 
fetient to mayntane me in a reasonable good ffashon) but my grefe 
is I have no callinge to imploye my self e in not beinge bred upp to 
any thinge but the sea and in that nether no otherwyse then a 
traveler and Comander of some Merchant Shipps. I praise god if 
I should be put to it I could conduckt a Shippe from any place of 
the world (that is at this tyme discovered) into England, and I 
know that is more than many Captans who have comanded some 
of the Kings Shipps can doe. Youre servant Mr. Thaker can shew 
you what I desyer if you would be pleased to help me forwards to 
any Imployment I would not only be more thankfuU unto you then 
ever I yet spocke of but allso would rest youre servant all the dayes 
of my life for I ptest unto you it is even a death to me to live 
Idle remembringe these saings in Cripture. 1. That an Idle psonne 
lyeth open to all temtations that he is a drone amongst bees that 
he is worse than an infidell that doth not pvide for him selfe and 
his famely that every man ought to eat his owne breade that he is 
not worthy to live in the Church or Comonwelth that is not some 
way benifetiall to both. The Lord known my harte I desyer to 
doe that for wch I was created but I want meanes to effeckt it. I 
find a fittnesse in my selfe for imployment. I wish I were throughly 
examened and after settled in that course wch I am capable of. I 
besech you Sr pdon this my bouldnes I will importune you no more 
but rest in hope of your remeberance beseching god to blesse you 
wth health and much happynesse. 

Your worl to be comanded 

Sherborne this 

26th of Decem 

}i624 ^>ih: ^^^ 



Evidently this letter received an encouraging re- 
sponse, for on the 26th of the following May we find 
Levett writing another letter to Secretary Coke, express- 
ing his hearty thanks to him for a proffer of employment 
in some service which was to follow Buckingham's return 
from France, whither he had gone to bring the bride of 
Charles First to England, shortly after the death of James, 
which took place on March 27, 1625. But though grate- 
ful to the Secretary for his proffer of future employment, 
Levett chafed under enforced idleness, and urgently 
pressed him for immediate service. This letter is as 
follows : 

To THE Right wo : Sk John Cooke one of the Masters of 


Court E. 


Good Sr John, I thinke myselfe so mucli bound unto you as 
that I know not how to expresse my thankes enuffe but will ever 
endevor to manifest it to the uttermost of my power ; Truly Sr this 
voyage doth effeckt me excedingly and I doubt not but it will pve 
honorable but I ptest before God I cannot now stay untill the 
dewkes returne though I should loose the place wherefore I besech 
you S^^ stand my frende both for a good Shipp as allso liberty to 
meet hir at plimoth and god willinge in fewe dayes after I have 
notice from you I shall be redy. My dwellinge is at Sherborne 
one of the poste townes betwixt this and Plimouth so that a letter 



is easily sent to me by the packts thus humbly craving pdon for 
this my bouldnesse I rest 

Your servant to [command] 

If I cannot have liberty to meet the Shipps at Plimoth I will 
come ether to London or any other place uppon notice. 

At the time Levett penned this letter, an expedition 
was fitting out in England in which Sir Ferdinando 
Gorges was to take part, and Gorges was then in Lon- 
don, arranging with Coke's associate, Conway, business 
pertaining to this expedition, which Levett probably 
desired to join, a desire which perhaps prompted his impa- 
tient appeal to Coke/^ Unfortunately, whatever corre- 
spondence may have passed betw^een him and Gorges is 
lost, but there can be no doubt that the two were corre- 
spondents, since both were deeply interested in New Eng- 
land, and Gorges was the moving spirit of the corpora- 
tion which made Levett an associate of his son, Robert, 
and conveyed to him his possessions in Casco Bay. 

We lose sight of Levett, however, for a brief period, 
but Coke, happily, proved to be his friend, and in the 
famous expedition against Spain, which sailed from 


23. An account of this expedition 
may be found in Sir Ferdinando 

Gorges and his Province of Maine, 
Vol. I, pp. 187-146. 


England October 5, 1625, Levett went as the Captain ofr 
the Susan and Ellen, a ship of the burden of three hun- 
dred and twenty tons, and manned with a crew of sixty- 
five men. This fleet, under the command of Lord 
Wimbledon,** consisted of eighty English and sixteen 
Dutch vessels, and was said to be the largest joint naval 
power which had ever sailed the seas. So large was it, says 
an old writer, that it " made the world abroad to stand 
astonished, how so huge a fleet could be so suddenly 
made ready," and yet this vast fleet and an army of ten 
thousand men were raised and equipped, not by Parlia- 
ment, for that had been angrily dissolved by the king, 
but by writs sent by him to everyone in the realm who 
was supposed to have money, commanding them to loan 
him such sums as he had been informed by his agents 
they were able to loan. To refuse these demands was 
dangerous, and money poured into the coffers of the 
royal blackmailer in plentiful streams. 

It was in this fleet, the destination of which was kept 
a secret, that Levett found himself, feeling, doubtless, a 
glow of patriotic pride as he saw it in its grandeur, and 


24. Edward Cecil, third son of 
Thomas, first Earl of Exeter, born 
Feb. 29, 1672. and knighted by Ehza- 
beth Sept. 18, 1601. He was one of 
the Councillors of the Virginia Col- 
ony May 23, 1609, and was created 
Lord Marshal of the Field, August 

1625, and Lord Lieutenant General of 
the Fleet and Army the month follow- 
ing. He was created Baron Cecil 
Putney, and Viscount Wimbledon of 
Nov .3, 1625, while on his unfortunate 
expedition to Spain. He died Nov. 
16, 1638. 


never for a moment realizing that the motive which 
caused its creation was private revenge, and the methods 
by which it was created were subversive of those liberties 
which he, in common with all Englishmen, cherished 
most deeply in his heart. 

As the fleet entered the Bay of Biscay, it encountered 
the usual storms, and was buffeted by wind and wave 
until it seemed to those on board that their end was 
near ; and so it was to some, for one tall ship, bearing 
nearly two hundred men, plunged beneath the sea and 
was seen no more. Orders had been given Wimbledon, 
before leaving home, to intercept the Spanish plate fleet, 
then nearing Spain, burdened with treasure, but he was 
no Drake, and he permitted several large ships to pass 
him and enter the Bay of Cadiz, where they afterwards 
wrought serious injury to his fleet. Time was wasted in 
councils of war ; the Spaniards got news of his approach, 
and prepared to receive him ; but instead of making a 
naval attack upon the Spanish shipping at Cadiz, which 
it is believed would have resulted in success, Wimbledon 
landed a force and attacked the fort of Puntal, which he 
captured ; but his men now found a foe more dangerous 
than the Spaniards. The cellars were filled with wine, 
which the soldiers fell upon and drank to excess. Wim- 
bledon, alarmed at the condition of his men, who were in 



no condition to resist an attack, hastily gathered as many 
as he could reach and carried them back to the ships. 
Those left behind were butchered by the revengeful 
Spaniards. The unfortunate commander now aban- 
doned his designs on Cadiz, and lay off shore watching 
for the treasure fleet, but sickness assailed his crowded 
ships and his men died by scores. Thoroughly dis- 
heartened, Wimbledon gave orders to return to England, 
" which was done in a confused manner, and without any 
observance of sea orders." It is perhaps proper to say 
that the plate fleet passed the place where the English 
ships had been cruising a few days before, and sailed 
quickly into Cadiz, while Wimbledon with his fleet, which 
had sailed so proudly away a few weeks before, now shat- 
tered and burdened with sick and dying men, entered 
Plymouth harbor, where he was received with the con- 
tempt which he so well deserved. It has been thought 
proper to give an account of this unfortunate expedition 
in which Levett was engaged, in order that the following 
letter, written by him to Coke after his return home, may 
be better understood : 

To THE Right Hol Sr John Cooke Seckretert to his Ma- 

lESTYE these. 

Right Honorable 

I doe once more psume to treble you with a few rude lynes pmis- 



ing if at this tyme my bouldnes may be pdoned that hereafter as 
occation shall be offered I will come by way of petition as my 
duty is. I mayd bould to write you tow severall letters from the 
Sowthe Cape as also at my arivall in England to send you 
such thingis as I had observed and though I medled wth some other 
things yet I hope your favorable construcktion is such that you 
will not condem me tow much, for if ever I Speak with your Hor I 
will say more than before I write and wthall let you know that I 
have observed some things wch hath bredd a jealosy in me that 
some who as I think doth carry themselves fayerly to you yet doe 
not so truly love you as they ought. I have psumed to come home 
to my own house at Sherborne in Dorsett shire wher godwillinge I 
purpas to stay untill I heare from your Hor hopinge I doe not 
offend for by my comisshon the comand of the Shipp was comytted 
to me but as for the mewnisshon the Master Botswan and Gonner 
have indented. I must confesse that the sea service is my only 
ellement and that Imployment wch I pnsipally desier but I would 
rather chuse to be a sheppde than ever to goe in a colyer agayne 
for the Comanders of them ar esteamed and used no better than 
meare slaves (I have cause to speake but I forbare) it was gods 
mercy that I brought my shipp into England agane if your Hor please 
to aske my Lo : Cromwell 2 « or Sr George Blunder they can tell you 
that I had nether sweet beare water wine syder nor stronge water 
for a longe tyme before I came home as allso they can tell you 


25. Sir Oliver Cromwell, uncle of 
the Protector. At the coronation of 
King James he was created Knight of 
the Bath, and was a member of the 
Council for Virginia in 1607. In the 
civil war he espoused the cause of 
the king, and fought against his great 

nephew, though then upwards of 
eighty years of age. While sitting 
alone in his chamber before a fire, he 
fell forward, it was thought, in a 
swoon, and was so badly burned that 
he died Aug. 28, 1655, in the ninety- 
third year of his age. 


whether I am a marrener or no for I kept them Company a month" 
at the least and though I had lost my Master and had 2 mayts that 
can scarce write there names yet thanks be to god we kept oure reck- 
ninge better and fayled les in oure course than the Bonaventure 
whein my Lo : was but I give it to them that had the charge of the 
Shipp though they must and will confesse that I had a hand in 
every observation ether of sune or starr and in castinge upp every 
reckninge of the shipps way and course I wish I might be exam- 
ened by the 4 Masters of England for the Marreners arte so as I 
might herafter ether be imployed in my right place or cashered for 
an unworthy fellow I have observed the most of the sea Capptens 
that was in this fleet and I say god send our kinge better then 
many that comanded great shipps when he shall have occation to 
use them It might be psumption in me to desier the Comand of one 
of the kinges shipps but if I had I doubt not but I should behave 
my selfe as well as some others and it would be as much for the 
safety of the shipp as if another man were in her but in regard I 
have no frend except such as I dear not psume to troble havinge 
here to fore given iust occation to be weary of doinge for me I will 
not thinke of any such thinge Though I must confesse if ever I goe 
agane to sea I would wish the best shipp in Cristendome under 
me and if I did not behave my selfe both wisly and valiently then 
would I desier nothinge for my voyage but a halter I am much 
ashamed of my bouldnesse yet remembringe what Abraham saide 
to the Lorde when he besought him to spare Sodom if by way of 
imitation I say let not your Hor be offended wth his servant and 
he will speake but this once Ther is a Shipp called the Neptewne 
wch was bult for New England and as I hear is now taken upp for 
his Maiestyes service I hope there is as much reason that I should 



comand hir as an other havinge spent much tyme and money about 
that Contry wherefore my houmble sute unto your Hor is that you 
would be pleased if you Judge me worthy of further Imployment 
to put me into hir (if it be possible) or some other good Shippe in 
service that I may be able to doe some good service to my kinge 
and Contry Thus besechinge youre Honor to cause one of youre 
servants to let me know whether I am discharged or no (havinge 
no order what to doe) I rest 

Youre Honors servant 

to be comanded till death 

Sherborne this L 1 fi2^ 

11th of January C 

^>Yf-' ^^<^ : 

Evidently Levett was not pleased with the Susan and 
Ellen, although she sailed the seas for many years after, 
and safely brought across the Atlantic some of the foun- 
ders of New England, while the Neptune, which he 
longed to command, and which had been built by Gorges 
in the most careful manner to transport his colonists to 
his province of Maine, never fulfilled the great purpose 
for which she was designed, and brought her owner but 
trouble and loss. The letter of January nth was fol- 
lowed by an interesting account of what Levett had 
observed on the expedition just described, and was 
doubtless written at the suggestion of Secretary Coke, 
who, knowing that Levett wielded a ready pen, deemed 



it wise to make use of it in obtaining the impressions of 
an actor in the affair, who would have no great reason to 
falsify. But Levett was not contented with giving an 
account of the expedition. His real interest was in New 
England, and here was an opportunity to reach the ear 
of the astute Secretary ; so he closed his relation with a 
few practical suggestions how England could weaken her 
dread enemy, Spain, and he pointed out the part New 
England could be made to play in the undertaking. 

The first thing he thought best to do, was to cease 
trade with Spain altogether, and then to employ the 
Navy in cutting off her trade with her northern neigh- 
bors. This done he would fortify the fishing places in 
New England, a country capable of being made more 
profitable than the West Indies, for her fisheries alone 
were richer than the mines of other countries. And all 
this, he told the Secretary, could be done at the cost of 
a single subsidy, for which England would receive an 
annual profit sufficient to maintain an army or fleet, or 
support the poor of the realm ; though he believed, that 
in a score of years, there would be found no able bodied 
poor in the country, a belief doubtless founded upon the 
supposition, that, attracted by the opportunities afforded 
by New England for gaining wealth, the emigration 
thither would draw from England the poorer portion of 



her population able to work. More than this, he believed 
that New England would be able to furnish a ship of 
five hundred tons a year, except her iron work, and that 
she would be able to work greater damage to Spain and 
her West Indies than all England, because of her 
superior position. 

Realizing that this might seem strange to his corre- 
spondent, Levett desired to be given an opportunity to 
appear before Parliament, or at the Council Table, for 
examination, that he might show the reasonableness of 
his views. He desired that nobody should imagine that 
he had any sinister end in view, since he wanted no 
money placed at his disposal, nor trust reposed in him, 
but only to " line out the path that must be trod," for he 
wrote, " If I can bring glory to God, honor to my Sov- 
ereign, and good to my native country, then shall I think 
myself more happy than if I had the whole world." 
This interesting document, still preserved at Melbourne 
House, is here placed before the reader, under the title 
placed upon it by Secretary Coke's own hand : 


The passages of such thyngs as I conseaved worth takyng notice 

We came from Plimoth the 5th daye of Oktober but when we 
were at sea the wind shooting upon us and the wether beinge very 



rany and thicke we put in againe and stayd untill the 8tli daye 
before we put to sea againe and inioyed a fare wind and fare wether . 
iintill the 12th daye beinge Wedinsday about 4 of the cloke in the 
after noone at which tyme it began to rayne and blow exceeding 
and the storme continewed all that night and pte of the next daye 
so that the fleight was dispsed in which storme some was cast away 
and others put into famouth which came not to us untill the night 
we left Calles. AUso there was a Catch which had 11 men in hir 
cast away 7 of which men I was an instrument to save and carryed 
them to Calles and more was saved by another shipp and the rest 

But by degrees the most of the fleight mett againe some hav- 
inge mayd the Kocke^* others Mountchecum*^ and so at last we 
came to the Sother^* Cape, where we spent two dayes in Counsell 
and ther receaved orders for the managinge of a sea feight (which 
I will not meddle with for convenience). 

When the consultation was ended, beinge towards night we were 

not above 15 leages from Calles and if we had borne reasonable sale 

all that night we myght have bene within sight of the towne the 

next morning by break of day. But we lay a trip the most of the 

night so that it was 12 a cloke before we mayd the Hand. And if 

then we had borne all our sailles forth we myght have gott in in 

halfe a watch the wind beinge good and the wether fayere. 


southwestern extremity of Portugal. 

26. Cape Da Roca is the most 
westerly headland of Portugal, about 
seven leagues northwesterly from 
Lisbon, and in Levett's time was for- 
tified, as, indeed, it is to-day. 

27. Cape Mondego lies on the 
western coast of Portugal, at the 
mouth of the river of that name. 

28. Cape St. Vincent forms the 

Nearly two centuries alter Levett 
wrote this, viz : on Feb. 14, 1797, the 
failure of Wimbledon was more than 
offset by the gallant Jarvis, who met 
the Spanish fleet off this Cape and 
defeated it, to the joy of all English- 


But as it seamed feringe we should come tow soone we put not 
forth all our sailes so that it was night before all the fleet came to 
Anker being the 22th day Satterdy. When we came into the Kode 
we found there tfie Admyrall of Spayne and about 14 Shipps more 
with 6 gallies. 

The Earl of Essex beinge Vice Admyrall in the Swift shure 
(Captain whereof was Sr Sammewell Argall^^ a brave gent) led the 
way and went on so bravely that he drave both the Spanish shipps 
and gallies upp the river so high as they would goe towards Port- 
royall but he was not seconded wherfore he came to an Ancker and 
all the rest of the fleet. 

That night about 23 shipps were sent to batter a forte called 
Poyntall (about 2 myles and i from Calles uppon the same Hand) 
wherin was 6 peeces of ordnance who performed the service very 
well the most of that night spittinge fyer, and that the ordnance 
spoke thick and the buUetts stunge merely. 

Now the Spanish shipps not beinge followed that night blocked 
themselves upp by sinkinge of 6 shipps in the way so that after- 
wards we could not come at them. Allso that night the Towne 
planted there ordnance and fortefyed themselves and the gallies and 
botts carryed away from the towne that which most we aymed 


29. Capt. Samuel Argall is the 
same officer who carried Lord Dela- 
ware to Virginia in 1610, and who 
commanded the Treasurer when she 
was sent out to Virginia in the sum- 
mer of 1612, to drive out foreign in- 
vaders, and who later destroyed the 
Jesuit Colony at Mount Desert. In 
1617 he was appointed Admiral and 
Deputy (Governor of Virginia. Later 


he was a membor of His Majesty's 
Council for New England, and when 
the territory of New England was 
divided by lot in 1622, Cape Cod and 
adjoining territory fell to his share. 
He commanded the flag ship Swift- 
sure during this cruise. One writer 
supposes him to have died just after 
his return from this expedition, while 
another fixes the date as 163*3. 


at and brought soulders in stead thereof as most men did Imapjen 
and thus they continewed all the tyme we were there. 

The next morninge beinge Sonday by break e of day the greatest 
pte of the fleet was eomanded upp before the forte who releved the 
former and continewed playinge uppon it all that day and so fast 
that by 12 acloke the forte was weary of usinge there ordnance 
not beinge able to stand ether to lade or to ply them. At last the 
Convertion one of the Kinjs Shipps came right under the forte 
within muskett shott and let fly her brod syde but was not able to 
come off sodenly by reason she came in ground but there lay 
receavinge there small shott like haille which kylled and spoiled 
many of hir men. 

But oure Shipps shott with there ordnance so that they mayd 
them pull in there heads so that for halfe an howers space we could 
not see a man. 

About 3 acloke divers of oure botts mayd redy and tooke 
soulders oute of the Shipps to land which when the forte saw a 
great many of the burgers of the town who came that morninge to 
assist them ran away so fast as there feet could carry them in so 
much that we thought the forte had bene quite left. 

But when oure botts came to shore right under the forte (which 
was tow neare havinge roome enough to have landed further of) 
they put out there heads againe and plyed there small shott so fast 
as was possible for so few men in so short a tyme by which meanes 
they kylled us many and some of good ranker yet for all that some 
went forwards and landed close by the wall but they threw stones 
uppon them and kylled them so the rest of the botts went further 
of and landed. 

Kow after there landinge they had some skirmishinge with the 



enemy who sallied oute of a house but they were forst to retreat 
towards the Towne. 

And then the Captan of the Forte having quarter offered ack- 
cepted therof and yelded it and were sett over the river with there 
musketts swords &c And thus with loss of many men and the 
expense of at the least 3000 great shott besides small we got a donghill 
wheron the Coke might have stood and crowed but could not have 
hurt us for I dare say that 6 colyear would have kept them play, 
untill we had landed our men in the bay betwixt that and the Towne. 

The next day beinge Munday certan regiments marched uppon 
the Hand towards the bridge to have mayd that good and by the 
way come to one of the Duke of Madena howses wher they found 
about 70 butts of sacke wherof oure soulders dranke so deply that 
many were not able ether to goe or stand (but were left behind and 
had there throats cut) but the comanders seinge the inconvenience 
staved all the caske (and so the wine was lost) and then retorned 
backe to the forte because they understood that the bridge was here 
3 leags of. 

Uppon Tewsday my Lo : of Essex^ o squadron was comanded to 
sett uppon the Shipps that was fledd upp to Portriall but when they 
came here then they pceaved how they were blocked upp so they 
came to an ancher there but could do nothing to them. 

Uppon Thursday I was sent to them with this message from 
my Lo : and the Counsell of warr that if they peeved the designe 


30. Robert Devereuz, Earl of Es- 
sex, was the son of the unfortunate 
favorite of Elizabeth, and friend of 
Gorges, and was a lad at the time of 
his father's death on the scaffold. 
Although a man of brilliant parts, his 
career was an unfortunate one. It 

has been well said that " he met with 
nothing but rocks and shelves, from 
whence he could never discover any 
safe port to harbor in." He died on 
the Uth of September, 1646, at the 
age of fifty-four years. 



to be diffecult they should forth with repare to Poyntall and there 
take in there soulders againe for that they understood of great 
forces was eominge out of the Contry, wheruppon they all wayed 
and came and that night and the next morninge all oure soulders 
were imbarked againe and the ordnance which were in the forte we 
brought away beinge 8 bras colverin. 

Now we lay still all fryday and did nothinge but looke uppon 
the Towne and reseve all the shott they mayd at us. 

XJppon Satterday about 10 of the cloke our Admyrall put forth 
a flagg of Counsell wheruppon all we Captans repared to his shipp 
where we gave attendance about 2 howers At last my Lo : came 
forth and said to Sr Thomas Love 3 ^ that he understood that the 
wind was good and that if we did not psently way ancker and 
begone we might lose our jorney and comanded us all to retorne to 
oure shipps which was all the counsell we had for that time. 

But take notice that the wind was good from Thursday night to 
that time out it seames that they who were about my Lo : was 
ether ignorant or careles that they did not inform him of it before 
that tyme. 

So we came away out of the harbor with all speed but with 
hevy harts and shame enough both to oure selves and Nation. 

But before we were gott 3 leages of the wind was iust against 
us so that about Sun settinge we came to an anker in 17 fathom 
water, yet at midnight the wind beinge somewhat larger we 
wayd agane and so got of a litle further so at last through much 
f owle wether we gott the leight of the Sother Cape the 7 of No : 
wher wie were f orcd to ly tow and agane betwixt the degrees of 36^ 


31. Capt. Thomas Love, like Lev- 
ett, was interested in the New World, 
being one of the Council for New Eng- 

land. He was knighted Sept. 25, 1626, 
a few days before the sailing of the 


and 37|^ untill the 20th of the month to mete with the playte 

Wher we lay in the most confused maner that ever was sene 
and contrary to all men of war courses, lying still in the day 
tyme and salinge in the night and thus we contenewed untill the 
16th day, and then contrary to oure orders we came into 39 fol- 
lowinge oure Admyralls as we were comanded at the first. 

Shortly after we had such fowle wether that we were disparsed 
agane and so we contenewed untill the 27th day and seinge 2 
Shipps with flaggs in there foretopps we bore to them hopinge the 
greatest pte of the fleet had bene there, but there we mett with no 
more then 2 kings shipps and 3 more and that day blowinge litle 
wind I sent my bote aborde the bonaventure to know if they had 
any orders or knew what we should do as allso to intreat a litle 
beare we havinge druncke none nor beverage for 8 days before nor 
scarse sweet water and I thanke my Lo : Cromwell and Captan 
Jellburt they sent me a runlyt of 10 gallans which did me great 
pleasure as allso my men tould me that they had no orders nor had 
sene the Admyrall in 10 days before and wished for a good wind 
to carry them for Ingland so we kept company with these 6 shipps 
untill the 6th of December when we were in 46^ and that night we 
lost one of the shipps as it seames by tackinge in the night the 
wind shif tinge but for the 2 kings shipps and the other 2 we kept 
them company untill we came into Crooke haven in Irland where 
we arived the 11th of December fyndinge the rainebow and divers 
shipps there and others came in after us the next day. 

We stayed there untill the 17th daye and then the sayde 2 kings 
shipps vide : the Bonaventure and the dreadnought my selfe and 



the Anspedwell put to sea levinge the rest behind and arrived at 
dartmoth the 20th day of Desember thanks be to god. 

Now uppon this evill suckses I know that as it was an old cous- 
tom every one to put it of from himself e to an other even when there 
was no more people in the world but Adam and Evah so it will be 
at this tyme no man will be the cause of it. Nether will the stayte 
of Ingland be frete from sensure for I have herd them taxed for 
these things followinge. 

1. ffor delayinge so much tyme before they sent away the fleet. 

2. fFor sendinge it away in winter when the most of the shipps 
were not able to carry forth there ordnance ether by way of offence 
or defence. 

3. The sendinge away the fleet with so litle pvetion. 

4. ffor not giving the Captans there orders or Comyssions before 
they went to sea by which much confusion might have bene pvented. 

5. ffor sendinge unexperienced soulders such as was nether wil- 
linge nor able to doe service but on the contrary mewtinus. 

But for my owne pte I am not of there mynds, because I am able 
my selfe suffetiently to answer these obiecktions as thus. 

1. ffor the delayinge of tyme I knr^w not what polesy the state 
had in it nether is it fitt to be known. But shure I am there might 
have come much good therof. ffor as it seames it bredd a security 
in the enemy for this yere because there was nether any fleitt at 
sea nor much force levied by land, ffor all men will say that if 
there had been any fleet abrod the Admyrall and the rest of the 
shipps which we found in Calles rode would not have bene there 
and if there had bene any land forces levied shure Calles which 
is a place of most importance would have bene full of soulders. 
And I thinke it may be proved that there was not above 500 there, 
when we came. 2. 



2. If the polesy of the State was to come uppon the enemy 
when he did not expect us, then it could not be otherwyse. if 
Calles was the place aymed at or any other place to the north of 
the strates mouth then was the tyme good enough. Yet could I 
wish there may be no more fleets sent forth in winter. 

3. The vittell if it had bene well used and the tyme well im- 
ployed would have served us until we had taken Calles and have 
keept it untill a supply had bens sent. 

4. Though it is strange that Captans who ar trusted with the 
comand of Shipps could not be trusted with sealed Comiss : to be 
opened at severall tymes and places and though the want of them 
bred much confusion in this acktion and might have bred more yet 
the falte was not in the state of Ingland nor none that we left in 
Ingland but in /^ 

5. Though the soulders were unexperienced yet they were such 
as our Nation affords and such as have bene usually sent abrod at 
other tymes nether could I peeve that ever they were backward in 
goinge when there comd led them forth which was never but when 
they mett with the sacke nether did they then run away for many 
stayed untill there throats were cutt nor that they were mutinus 
I did not peeve though when they were full of wine there tonges as 
I here then ran at random. 

Now if it be demanded of me what the cause of this ill suck- 
sesse might be I must answer in the first place that I feare every 
one of us sought oure owne ends more than gods glory and therfor 
it was iust with god to deny us good sucksesse. 

Secondly the want of I dare not say what. 

And if this will not give satisfaction if you please to redd for- 
wards you shall se what def eckts or f alings I took notice of in this 



acktion and then I will leave you to iudge Allso to pardon me if I 
faille in my iudgment though I fere not what any can say that shall 
fynd them selves any way touched therin for I will say nothinge 
but what will be avouched by many thousands. 

Such things as I conceve was faling or not well carryed in this 
unfortunate acktion. 

1. The sendinge to sea without comyssions or orders as well 
for the places of randevow in case we should be pted by fowle 
wether. As allso for a certan course in salinge. 

Though some Captans had them dd about 3 or 4 dayes after yet 
others wanted them untill they came at the Sother Cape and many 
never had any at all. 

But the want of them as it fell out did no greate hurte for when 
we came at Calles we myssed not above 6 of our fleett. 

But the want of an orderly course in salinge caused some to 
lose their galleries heads and bolsprits and others had there sales 
tome from there yeards. 

And it was gods mercy that no more than 3 or 4 was cast away 
for the confusion was such that some had there starbord when 
other had there larbord taks aborde so that in the night you should 
have tow shipps come alonge one aganst the other and where there 
was nott good watch keept there was much hurte done. 

2. When we came uppon the Cost of Spayne and had made 
the Sother Cape we lay lingringe tow longe close aborde the shore 
by which meanes we were discovered as appered by the lights that 
night all alongst the shore and which was the cause of sendinge 
forces to Calles as was Imagened. 

3. When we might have bene before Calles by 8 or 9 acloke 



in the morninge and so have had the day before us we came in a 
litle before sonne settinge. 

4. When we were come in and that my Lo : of Essex had be- 
gonne bravely with the Shipps that were there and drove them upp 
the river that he was not seconded by which meanes he was forced 
to come to an ancker and so the shipps which might easely have 
bene taken or spoyled blocked them selves upp so as afterwards 
when we could we could not come at them. 

6. In that we did not at oure first cominge every shipp let 
fly a brod syde into the Towne and then psently have landed but 
halfe of oure soulders which might have bene donne without any 
greate danger for the wind was so that it would have drive the 
smoke into the Towne so that they could not have mayd a shott at 
us but at randome and then whether we should have taken it or no 
Judge for it may esely be proved that there was not at that tyme 
above 600 soulders there nor 20 pece of ordnance mounted. 

But we lay still all that night and saw them labor hard untill 
they had mounted there ordnance. 

6. That no course was taken to block up the gallies in St. 
Mary porte which might have bene donne with 6 shipps by which 
negleckt they did contenewally carry soulders into the Towne and 
fetch away the treasure, which I am pswaded did excedingly dis- 
corage the most of oure men but espetially such as before could 
thinke of nothinge but gould silkes vellvetts &c. 

7. When our soulders were landed and in there march towards 
the bridge metinge with at the least 70 butts of sacke at the 
Ducke of Modena his howse that they did not make it good but 
spoyled it which would have releved the whole fleight many havinge 
nether sweet beare nor watter and amongst them my selfe was one. 



8. When the designe was (after oure cominge from Calles) to 
lye at sea about the Sother Cape to mete with the playte fleight 
that there was then no wyse or warrlike course taken for there we 
lay still in the daytyme and I think they had bene madd if they 
would have come nere us and in the night we sett saille so that if 
we should hav mett with any shipps we could not have knowne 
them from oure owne fleight by which meanes they might have 
bene gone before morninge But if they had bene experienced men 
of warr then would they have gone thus to worke vide the three 
Admyralls to have seperated them selves with there squadrons and 
have agreed uppon a certan course of salinge as thus one squadron 
to have stood close by a wind the next to have stood 2 poynts larger 
and the the third 2 poynts larger then he and to have appoynted 
there place of randevow Then might they hav met with Shipps if 
there had bene any stiringe and if one squadron could not have 
fetched them upp they might have drive them uppon an other and 
if all had myssed it had bene more then ill luck. 


>. Example 2 

Allso we should have knowne^ 
certanly how to have met agane 
which we could not doe as we 
carryed the busenes for we were ^ 
pted the day of No : and if we should have dyed for it 

we knewe not how to mete agane for if we had saled close aborde 
the shore we could not have gote of agane and shure I am it would 
have bene as good harboringe in the enemyes contry for 1. 2. 5 or 
10 shipps. 

9. If when we came from Calles we had had orders to goe 
home we might have bene at home in 20 or 28 dayes which if we 



had donne there might have bene many mens lives saved much 
vittell and more money as the freight of shipps mens wages 
and the shipps would have gone forth agayne in a shorte tyme if 
the kinje and State should have so thought it fitt. 

What course I conseve is best to weaken the Spanyerd and most 
profitable for oure owne Kation. 

1. To let him alone and not to medle with his comodyties 
which is nothinge to speake of but wine oyle and frute nether to 
carry him any of oures And if he want our poore John heringe 
and pilcher3 3 but one 7 yeres I verely beleve he will nether be able 
to live at home nor vittell his shipps to send them abrode. 

2. Block upp the passage of the Hamburgers Dunkerkers 
by scouringe oure owne Chanell which will allso be a great securety 
to oure owne ^Nation and is as I thinke an acktion of nessessety as 
the case now stands. 

3. ffortefy our fishinge places of New Ingland and New found- 
land which allso I thinke must of nessessety be donne or otherwise 
it is to be f ered we shall lose a more profitable Contry then the West 
Indes for I hould that the Scolls of fish there is' better then the 
myndes elsewhere and this may be donne with litle charge (in com- 

32. Poor Johns and pilcJiards. 
The first were hake salted and dried, 
and the latter a kind of herring caught 
in large quantities on the coast of 
Cornwall. Pilchards, when smoked, 
were called hy the Spaniards/umodos, 
which was corrupted by the Cornish 
fishermen into fairmaids. Both the 
poor Johns and pilchards were ex- 
ported extensively to Spain and other 
Roman Catholic countries, and were 

a staple article of food during Lent 
and on fast days. The poor Johns 
were so named because, being a cheap 
and coarse article of food, they were 
much sought by the poor. 
Massinger alludes to their use thus ; 

*' I would not be of one religion that 

should command me 
To feed upon poor John, when I se* 

And partridges on the table." 


parison) and in the very ackt we shall be inriched ffor first oure 
Shippinge which is like now for want of trayde to be still may 
be imployed as allso oure marreners. 

Nay I will undertake to set downe a course. 

1. How with one subsedy New Ingland shall be mayd good for 
ever without any more charge to oure kinge and Nation. 

2. That in consideration of that one charge oure Nation shall 
for ever receve from thence such a yerly profitt as shall mayntayne 
a reasonable army or fleet or mayntayne all the poore. 

3. That within the space of 20 yeres there shall be nether beg- 
ger nor any poore people that shall need mayntinance from par- 
rishes except blynd lame and ould people that shall not be 
able to worke. 

4. That out of this one charge they shall have every yere (after 
they shall be fortefyed) a shipp of 500 ton bulke and fitted with all 
tacklinge except Iron worke which what a strength it will be 
to oure Nation let all men Judge. 

6. That they shall be able to doe more hurte to the kinge of 
Spayne and his West Indes then all Ingland besides as they are 
nearer and they shall be in their wake by there ordynary course of 
trayde to the Straytes. 

Now my desire is that howsoever these thinges may seame 

strange and impossible to you at the first yet to spare your Censure 

untill I have made answer to all such obiecktions as shall be mayd 

aganst what I have sayd. And if his Maiesty would be pleased to 

refer me ether to the Parlament Counsell Table or other Comission- 

ers to be examined if I doe not make good what I have sayd then 

let me be ponished as a trobler of the State. 



Nether let any man thinke that I have any sinister end in it for 
I will make it appere that I doe not desire to have any money in 
my hands or other trust reposed in me then to sett downe the 
course that must be taken or to lyne out the path that must be trodd 

And if I can bringe glory to god honor to my soverayne and 
good to my native Contry then shall I thinke my selfe more happy 
then if I had the whole world. 

Nor let the proiecht be the worse thought of for proceedinge 
from a meane & simple psonne for I assure you when I was in the 
Contry of New England 1 took more panes (though to my cost) to 
fynd out the nature of the Contry the disposition of the inhabitants 
and the comodyties which was there to be had as allso the best 
course to obtayn them then any man that was then in the Contry 
and I dare say further then any that ever was there before me 
Nether had any man those helpes that I had (I meane not of money) 
but for the advice of the most skillfull Marchants and experienced 
fishermen that used that trayde or contry and for the Inhabitants 
I thinke I know as well how to deale with them as any other. 

We know not the reply of the Secretary to Levett, 
if one was made ; but certainly his prayer for another 
ship was not immediately granted, since we find him 
some weeks later applying for a ship, to Nicholas, the 
Secretary and servile dependent of Buckingham, with 
whom it would seem he had also been in correspondence, 
and who was drawing from him a portion of his earn- 
ings, for so corrupt were the times, that no man could 




hold a place under the government without sharing his 
earnings with some parasite of the court. Even justice 
was a thing of traffic, and it had become simply a busi- 
ness transaction for men in place to accept bribes from 
those needing their favor and influence. Strangely 
enough, the stream of time, which has engulfed so many 
valuable records, has brought to us this insignificant 
waif, for Nicholas preserved it, and doubtless placed it in 
his master's hand, in order to aid his correspondent. 
It seems proper to present this letter here, in order to 
show the manner of an age, in which a man like Levett, 
in order to obtain a merited position, was obliged to pur- 
chase the influence of those in public office. 

Worthy Sr. 

I besech you remember me for a good shippe when there shal 
be occation. I assure you I will be very thankfull. I hope Capt : 
John Harvey 3-^ dd a token to you frome me when I had my last 
warrant and another when the rest of the Captans sent to you 
from Portsmoth, when we had oure 100 nobles, hereafter I hope 
to show my selfe as thankfull and observant as any other. Good 
Sr. stand my frend to my Lo : for his warrant for this money layd 


33. Several of Levett's associates, 
it will have been already observed, 
were interested in America. Capt. 
John Harvey had voyaged to Virginia 
several years before. He was not only 
a good navigator but also a man of 
affairs, and shortly after his mention 

by Levett received the honor of 
Knighthood. Later we find him in the 
position of Governor of Virginia. For 
particulars concerning him, vide Vir- 
ginia Carolorum, by Edward D. Neill, 
Albany. N. Y., 1886, pp. 36, ©2, 100, 
116, et passim. 


forth, and the one halfe of it I will willingly give unto you in token 
of my thankfuUnes. I have bene wUi the Commissioners and though 
some of them be willinge to pleasure me yet they say there is no 
meanes to gett it but by the Duckes owne warrant. Thus craving 
pdon for my bouldnes I rest 

Youre fathfuU and 

observant frende 
Febr ; this 28th ^^ . 

1626 ^>V^ 3^^^ ' 

Endorsed : 

To his much Honored frend 
Mr Neicolis Secretary to the 
Ducke of Buckingha his 
Grace these / 28. Eebr, 1626. 


When this letter was written, Buckingham was in 
no mood to give it attention, for he was before Parlia- 
ment, struggling to defend himself against charges of 
wrong doing too strong to be readily overcome even by 
him with the power of the throne behind him, and we 
find Levett, in a few weeks, again appealing to Coke, 
this time from Stoke's Bay, on board the Susan and 
Ellen. His fellow captains, equally anxious with him- 
self for employment, had rushed to London upon a 
rumor which had reached them of another expedition, 
which was soon to be organized for service in some direc- 



tion, and Levett, who had been appointed an associate 
Commissioner with Pennington, Buckingham's most use- 
ful tool in the disgraceful plot against the protestants 
of Rochelle, already spoken of, was unable to leave his 
post to make a personal appeal to the Secretary, hence 
this letter. 

To THE Eight Honorable S« John Cooke Principall Seck- 


Right Honorahle 

Havinge bene an antiant suter to you for a better Shipp (then 
that I had the last voyage and yet doth hould beinge a Colyer) And 
recevinge such an honorable answer from you as I did, I have ever 
since lived in hope to exchange hit for some pncipall marchant or 
other But I confes such petty things as this is not worthy the 
thinking of by so honorable a psonage as youre selfe Yet I besech 
youre Honor seinge that a word of youre mouth will doe it make me 
so happy as once to comand a good shipp and then I will not only 
seace to troble you but allso indevor to show my selfe as I allways 
will be your fathfuU servant. Here is a report that there are di- 
vers Marchants Shipps taken upp for the Kings service wheruppon 
divers of oure Captans ar gone to London, but for my owne pt I 
cannot stir beinge one of the Comisshoners in the absence of Cap- 
tan Penington nether have I any frend to depend uppon, only I 
psume to declare my selfe unto youre Honor and so doth rest now 
and ever Youre Honors fathfull 

and obedyent servant 

ffrom aborde the Susan & 
Ellen now ridinge in Stocks ^^^9"^^^ ^^^^^^^w • 
bay this 1 of June 1626 C^ 



Although active in seeking employment, Levett had 
not forgotten his plantation in New England. What 
had become of his fortified house on the Island at the 
mouth of Portland Harbor, and the men left in charge 
of it, we know not. His Indian friends had long watched 
the sea in vain for the coming of " poor Levett," as they 
affectionately styled him. Levett's plan, as presented 
to Secretary Coke in his " Relation," was carefully form- 
ulated and laid before the king, probably through the 
agency of Nicholas and Buckingham, for but little could 
reach the royal eye without the latter's favor. But Lev- 
ett well knew the importance of able advocates and Coke 
was his friend, and already knew something of his plans, 
hence he again addressed him on the subject nearest his 

He was wearied with the petty jealousies and strifes 
of the narrow world about him, and longed, like many 
others, for the far off New World, with its free air and blue 
sky, and limitless stretches of forest, mountain and plain, 
across the great ocean, inaccessible to the pettiness and 
vanity which reigned wherever the influence of the court 
extended, making life irksome to manly hearts. 

" There is no man, " says Levett, " who knows better 
than myself what benefit would accrue unto this kingdom 
by New England if it were well planted and fortified ; " 




but although he was in a fair way to achieve his purpose, 
he needed the assistance which Coke could easily afford 
him, by supporting his petition to the king. If he would 
not do this, Levett begged the Secretary to put him in 
a good ship, that he might do the king service and not 
remain idle. The letter is as follows : 

To THE Right Wo^ Sr John Cooke Prinoepall Seoratory of 
State and one of his Maties most Hon Prevey Counsell. 

Right Honorable Though I have hertof ore R9 such favors from 
you as makes me your servant till death yet I besech you give me 
leave once agayne to be a houmble sutor to youre honor and I hope I 
shall no more troble you but be inabled thereby to shew my duty 
in a more suffetient manner then ever yet I could (though I have 
excedingly thirsted after it) 

It hath pleased god to deny a blessiuge to the labors of us all 
that hath beenlmployed in his Maties service at sea And I despayre 
of better suckses in any shorte tyme for that I see allmost all men 
amongst us seeke more there owne ends then gods glory or there 
soveraigns honor. 

Youre Hor knowes what oppenion I have of New England and 
my grounds for the same And I must nede say the more I thinke 
of it the more I affeckt it. There is no man knowes better than 
my selfe what benifit would accrew unto this kingdome by that 
Contry if it were well planted and f ortef yed wch makes me so desirus 
to tread out a path that all men may follow. 

I am now in a fayre way to it only I want a little helpe to further 
me (wch if I may so say the putting tow of the very tope of youre 



finger would purchas it for me) The pteculers I have mentioned in 
a petition to his Matie (I could hope that my requests will not 
seame alltogether unreasonable or my selfe utterly unworthy to 
be rewarded.) But forsackinge all vayne confydence I fly unto 
your Hor as my only medyator unto his Matie for the obtaininge of 
my request Humbly bes aching you to stand my friend at this 
tyme (and at once to make me as happy as this world can make 
me.) But if my sute shall seame unreasonable unto youre Honor 
then I besech you put me into a good Shipp that I may doe his 
Matie service any way and not be Idle Thus houmbly craving 
pardon for this my tow much bouldnes in psuminge to be thus bould 
I rest ever your Hor fathf ul servant 

Dartmoth this ^^ . 

29th of No : ^^>^fiHS ^^^ \ 

1626. ^ 


For nearly a year v^e lose sight of Levett amid the 
confusion which everyv^here reigned. The Queen's 
Roman Catholic household v^as broken up by the King, 
v^ho could no longer tolerate the idle and overbearing 
priests, v^ho had her spiritual v^elfare in their keeping, 
and the dissolute and supercilious crew, who danced 
attendance upon her, and they were all packed off to 
Paris with much useless paraphernalia. This done, the 
King and Buckingham set their wits to work to devise 
some method to get the people, who were becoming 
dangerously clamorous, into better humor. One of their 



acts was especially censured, the odium of which attached 
principally to Buckingham, namely, the attempt to force 
English Protestants to destroy their French brethren of 
Rochelle, and it was thought that by fitting out an expe- 
dition to support the latter against the King's brother-in- 
law of France, the popular mind would be turned in 
their favor. It was an artful scheme, and Buckingham 
bent all his energies to put it into operation. A fleet of 
seventy-six vessels was gathered, and sailed with a great 
show of piety in the early summer of 1627, but when it 
appeared before Rochelle, so much was the English King 
and Buckingham distrusted, that the people of that city 
refused to permit it to enter their harbor; hence Buck- 
ingham turned away, and falling upon the isle of Rh^, laid 
siege to the castle of St. Martin. After vain attempts 
to capture this formidable fortress, he was obliged to 
abandon it with the loss of a large portion of his army, 
and to return to England to face greater unpopularity 
than ever. 

We can hardly understand why Levett was not with 
Buckingham in this expedition, but we know that he 
was in England awaiting some response to his petition, 
and probably making constant efforts to draw support to 
it ; indeed, we find him writing to Coke, shortly before 
the return of Buckingham's ill-starred expedition, enclos- 


ing a letter from " a servant in New England," probably 
one of the men left by him to keep his house in Casco 

Chafing under disappointment, Levett forcibly ex- 
pressed his regret that the King should permit such a 
country to fall into the hands of an enemy who would, by 
its possession, be as well provided for building and furnish- 
ing ships as any prince in the world ; and he assured the 
Secretary that if the King and Council thought it worth 
preserving, he was as capable of undertaking its fortifica- 
tion as any one of the King's subjects. " I beseech your 
Honor," he wrote, " let not the multiplicity of weighty 
and chargeable affairs, which are now in hand, cause this 
to be neglected," for, if this should be done, "much 
damage and dishonor must certainly ensue." He closed 
by expressing his readiness to attend, upon notice, an 
audience in London. The full text of this letter is here 


To THE Eight Hoblb Sb John Coke Princepall Secratory to 
HIS Matib and one of his honorable Prevy Counsell 


Right Honorable 


I have a letter from a gent (though a servant of myne in New 
Englande) wch though it conserne my owne pteculer very much 
yet in my understandinge it doth allso conserne the kinge and state 




And therfore I thought good to send it to your honor leavinge 
the consideration of it to youre wisdome Only give me leave to 
say this much that in my oppenyon it were greate petty his Matie 
should lose such a Contry but a thousand tymes more petty that his 
enemy should enjoy it for if he should I am shure he would be as 
well fitted for buildinge of shippes as any Prfcice in the world and 
not the worst pvided for vittlinge of his shippes. Of what conse- 
quence this may be you know best. But if in the Judgment of his 
Matie and you the Lords of his Counsell it be a Contry worth the 
houldinge Then give me leve to speke bouldly (yet under correck- 
tion) I know as well how to make that Contry good against an 
enemy as any Subieckt his Matie hath and can doe it wth a tenth 
pte of the Charge that an other shall demand nay wth no Charge at 
all in Comparrison if a fite tyme be taken I have knowne divers 
Marchants under goe a greater charge in a months tyme for pven- 
tion. I besech youre Honor let not the multeplessity of weightie 
and Chargable affayres wch are now in hand cause this to be 
negleckted ffor I assure you if it be not spedely put in execution much 
damage and dishonor must certanly ensue If youre honor thinke 
me worthy of Audyence I shall be redy to attende uppon notice wch 
I may spedely have dwellinge in Sherborne a porte Towne in the 
Eode to Plimoth. Thus houmbly cravinge pdon I rest ever your 
Honors most obedyent servant 

Sherborne this ) ^ ^ d^ ^ ^ >^ — .-•'atV ^ 

lOth of October : | ^^^' ^>^ ^^^ . 

Buckingham, returning from his failure at Rh^, landed 
at Plymouth, and proceeded at once to London, passing 



through Sherborne, where Levett saw him, and in spite 
of his preoccupation, managed to get his ear, and speak 
a few words in behalf of the New England project. This 
he immediately communicated to Coke, and told him 
that Buckingham desired one of his gentlemen to call 
his attention to this subject when he reached London. 
Levett also enclosed a plan setting forth his views 
relative to New England, and pressed the Secretary to 
examine it. If desired, he would visit London, but if 
nothing was done, he declared that he should be forced 
to give orders to those in his employ, who were engaged 
in fishing in New England, to return home. The letter 
to Coke, with the enclosure, is as follows : 

To THE Eight Hoble Sir John Coke Prinoepall Secratory to 
HIS Matie at his lodginge in the Courte 


Right Honorable 

I made boulde to send unto you a letter wch came from a servant 
of myne in New England but have heard nothinge since how you 
stand affeckted to the busenes wch makes me presume once more to 
solicett youre Honor to be a f rend unto it And the rather for that 
uppon Wednesday last att night I did acquaint my Lord duclce in 
pte with it who seamed to like it well and wisht Mr Henry Croo to 
put him in mynd of it when he came to London I besech your 
Honor wthall to take notice of this enclosed and if you signify unto 
me that you would have me come upp about it I will not be longe 




absent otherwyse I shall be inforced to give order to my servants 

to come away wth there shippes that ar now going to fish there 

thus hopinge of youre Honors favorable acceptance of my dutye I 


Youre Honors obedyent servant 

Sherborne this 

17th of No : 1627 

^>i^ X>^*># : 


The tyme of danger is from the begininge of June to the last 
of January or therabouts All wch tyme there is no English shipps 
uppon that coste ffor the fleet of ffishermen doe comonly arive there 
in January and ffebr : The fishinge contenewes untill the begininge 
of May and by the ende of that month comonly they dept 

The maner of the fl&shermen is to leave there shallops in the 
Contry untill the next season every shipe in that harbor when they 
fish There may be of them in all about 3 or 400 and if they want 
there botts they may easily be pvented. 

If an enemy should come it is likly they will put into the first 
harbor they make for it is dangerous lyinge longe for shipps 
uppon that coste wthout extraordynary good pilotts. The coste 
beinge full of depe bayes broken islands and souncken rocks Now 
they can come into no harbor but they shall fynde botts for the trans- 
portinge of there men alongst the costes to any place they desier 
wherin is the greatest danger for they cannot march by lande And 
it is not like that there will come any great flett to take up many 
harbors the planters beinge in all not above 300. 

The first thinge wch I conseve fitt to be done is that all men 



be comanded at the end of there voyage to bringe all there shallops 
into one harbor and there to have them untill the next yeare And 
the fittest harbor I conceve to be quacke (but by me in my dis- 
covery named Yorke) beinge the most princepall in the Contry and 
in the mydst of all the fishinge. 

The next thinge is to fortefye that harbor wch may be donne 
wth 4 shipps wherof three to be colyers of 16 pece of ordnance and 
one good Marchant man. 

The next is to draw all the planters to that place bt if that 
shall be found unfittinge then to give them some arms and mew- 
nyshon for there defence. 

Now though there be no danger of enemyes untill June yet I 
hould it the best tyme to send away there shipps before the last of 
the psent month for these reasons. 

fiirst by this meanes they beinge in the Contry all the fishinge 
season there is no doubt by gods helpe but all the charges of the 
voyage will be defrayed at the worste. 

Secondly they shall have the helpe of all the fishermen at divers 
tymes to worke about fortefy cations beinge that they shall therby 
be more secured to use there trayde more frely wch thinge will be 
very advantageous there beinge at the least 4000 men every fishinge 
season in the Contry who ar able to doe much in a little tyme and 
wthoute any charge to his Matie. 

These thinges I doe wish may be spedely considered of and 
spedely put in execution least when it be tow layte it be repented 

And to conclud thus much I will say under corecktion If his 
Matie please to give me Comishon to take 4 of these shipps wch 
ar now in his service maned with 300 men such as ar fitt for that 



employment ffitt them wth all thinges nessesary for a fishinge 
voyage (as all merchant shipps ar wch goe thether to fish) and 
vittell for 12 months compleate then by gods assistance I will 
undertake to doe these things. 

1. Doe my best endevor to take prises beinge likly to mett 
wth divers in the way both outward and homeward bounde. 

2. Secure that coste from enemyes or at least that harbor untill 
the flett of ffishermen (who ar now about 40 or 50 saile and reason- 
able stronge) come agane. 

3. By the end of May next pvide so much fish and oyle as 
shall countervalle the charge of all the vittell and mewnyshon and 
after wards bringe home so much as shall pay all waiges and de- 
fray the rest of the charge 

4. Doe my best to surprise the bancke fishers wch if I faille 
to doe lett me not only be cashered with out pay or gratewety but 
also be imprisoned all the dayes of my life — pvided allwayes that 
the casuallties of the season and extraordynary and unusuall crosses 
be excepted and that it may presently be sett on f oote that soe the 
next fishing season be not lost there being now tyme suffetient for 
fittinge of all thinges as I will undertake 

"No : the 17th 

*^>^ ^^*^ -. 

It is pleasing to find that Levett's persistence at last 
bore fruit. His project was brought before the King 
and Council, probably explained by himself in person, 
for we find, shortly after this last letter to Coke, an ex- 


traordinary proclamation issued by the King, directed to 
the ecclesiastical authorities, requiring the churches of 
the realm to take up a contribution in behalf of his 
colonial enterprise in Casco Bay. That such a contri- 
bution should have been ordered by the King, and sanc- 
tioned by the Privy Council, is remarkable. This unique 
instrument sets forth important facts in Levett's scheme. 
We are informed by the King, that Colonial enterprises 
in New England having been interrupted by his diffi- 
culties with France and Spain, it had become necessary, 
in order to secure English interests there, to render as- 
sistance to those who had entered upon such enterprises, 
and that, as his " well beloved subject," Captain Christo- 
pher Levett, was willing to risk to the utmost both life 
and estate in order to establish a colony in New England, 
and was well acquainted with the Indians, he had thought 
best not only to make him governor of New England, 
but to order churchmen to contribute means to aid him 
in his undertaking, the success of which would strengthen 
the kingdom, and enable the poor and ignorant savages 
to acquire a knowledge of the true faith ; a work which 
especially commended itself to the King's affection. 

This interesting docuinent should engage our atten- 




CHARLES by the grace of god king of England, Scotland, 
Fraunce & Ireland defender of the faith &c. To all to whom these 
pnts shall come. Greeting. 

Whereas we have benn enformed that in respect of the differ- 
ences betweene us & the kings of Spaine & Fraunce, divers of or 
loving subjects as well such as are adventurers in the planta9on of 
Newe England, in America, as such as are well enclyned to become 
adventurers there, are soe much deterred and discouraged both from 
proceeding wth what is begun & what is by them intended, that 
except some spiall care be now taken, and some psent meanes 
raysed, for ye securing of the Fishing there, and the saf etie of those 
Coasts from f orreigne enymies ; They wch have already adventured 
in that planta9on, are likely to wth drawe their estates and people 
from thence and those that happily may desire themselves & for- 
tunes in the same are by this meanes altogeather discouraged and 
disabled, to proceed to their inten^on ; And whereas or many urgent 
occasions doe at this prsent soe farr engage us for the necessary 
defence of this or Realmes and dominions as we cannot in due 
time give any assistance, or provide for the securing of those 
remote pts wth such succor and releife as may prove requisite, in 
a case of that importance, whereby that planta^on soe happily begun 
and likely to prove soe advantagious and profitable, to vs and or 
subjects, in regard of the many comodities & Mchandize thence to 
be had, and the store of Tymber there groweing, very necessary for 
the prosrision of Shipping for the defence of or kingdomes is likely 
to be utterly lost and abandoned to the dishonor of us and or na^on 
and the advantage & encouragement of or enimies ; And whereas 
we have benn enformed that or welbeloved subject Capteyne 



Christopher Levett being one of the Councell for the said planta9on, 
and well knoweing the said country and the harbors of the same, 
and the strength and disposi90n of the Indians inhabiting in that 
Country, hath undertaken and offred to add unto his former ad- 
venture there all his estate, and to goe in pson thither, and by gods 
assistance either to secure the planters from Enimies, keepe the 
possession of the said Country on or behalfe, & secure the fishing 
for or English shipps, or else to expose his life & meanes to the 
uttermost pill in that seruice, XJppon wch his Generous and free 
offer we have thought fitt, by the advise of or privy Councell, and 
appointed him to be Governor for us in those parts, And because 
the Charge in prparing furnishing and setting forth of Shipps for 
this service at the first, wilbe very greate, soe as wthout the helpe 
and assistance of others (well wishers of those planta9ons,) those 
designes cannot be soe well accomplished, as we desire ; 

Xow knowe yee that we out of the love and affec9on wch we 
beare to works of this nature and espially for the propaga9on of the 
true religion wch by this meanes may be effected, by converting 
those Ignorant people to Christianitie ; 

Have thought fitt by the advise of or sd privye Councell to com- 
mend this soe pious a worke to the considera9on and assistance of 
all or loving and weldisposed subjects ; not doubting but they, 
(well weighing the necessitie of this worke and considering the 
prsent troubles of these times) wilbe ready and willing to yield such 
assistance to the same by their voluntary contribu9on towards the 
effecting thereof, as male in some measure helpe to defray the 
prsent Charge, now to be dispended for the accomplishing thereof, 
for the honnor and safetie of this kingdome and the upholding of 
the said planta9on ; Wherefore or will & pleasure is and we doe by 



these pnts will require & comaiind all and singlar Archbishops, 
Bishops, Archdeacons & deanes, wthin their severall dyoces and 
Jurisdic^ons, that forthwith uppon sight of these or Ires patents 
they comaund & cause the same or the true breife thereof to be read 
and published in all the severall pish Churches of & wthin their 
severall dyoces prcincts, and Jurisdic9ons, and that the Churchwar- 
dens of every severall pishe shall gather & collect all such some 
and somes of money, as shalbe freely and voluntarilye given & con- 
tributed to the purposes aforesaid, and the same being gathered and 
collected, forthwth to pay and deliver over unto the said Capteyne 
Christopher Levett or to such person or psons as shalbe by him in 
writing under his hand and scale thereunto authorised, and ap- 
pointed, whom we doe thinke most fitt in regard of his said imploy- 
ment to be trusted wth the disposing of the same. In witnes 
whereof we have caused these or Ires to be made patents for the 
space of one whole yeare next ensueing the date of these pnts to en- 

Witnes &c. 

Exr per RO HEATH. 

Male it please yor most Ext Matie 

This conteyneth yor Mats graunt for a generall and free contri- 
bu9on to be collected of such of yor Mats subjects as shalbe there- 
unto willing for the mayntennce of the planta9on in Kewe England, 
and to be paid to Capteyne Christopher Levett whom yor Matie is 
pleased to trust therewth in respect of yor Mats Resolu9on to ap- 
poynt him Governor there 

And is donne by order from the Councell Board, signified by 
Sr Willm Beecher. RO. HEATH. 



Endorsed. February 1627. Expr. apud Westmr undecimo die 
Februarii Anno R. R. Carol Tertio 

Woodward Depte May. 
Collection for New England. 
11th February 1627. 

Mr. Caldwell. To passe by the lo : Conway. 

The contribution in the churches was taken up as 
directed by royal authority, and the proceeds paid to 
Levett ; but what the amount was is not recorded, nor 
do we know what steps Levett took towards ultimating 
his plans. It is probable that the contributions were 
insufficient to afford him the necessary support ; indeed, 
the low ebb to which the finances of the people had been 
reduced by misgovernment ; the unpopularity of the 
King and his chief adviser, and the shadowy nature of 
the enterprise which the people were called upon to 
assist, were such as to afford uncertain ground upon 
which Levett could reasonably build his hopes. He, 
however, prepared an extended account of his explora- 
tions and experiences in New England, which were 
printed by William Jones, who had printed his book on 
Timber Measures. This book, which will always possess 
a deep interest for the historical student, was published 
in 1628. 

On April 19th of this year, we find Levett before 



Parliament with a petition respecting the two bridges 
leading into Doncaster, a town on the river Don about 
thirty miles southwest from the city of York. These 
bridges were called the Friars Bridge, then comparatively 
new, having been carried away by a flood in 1614 and 
shortly after rebuilt, and St. Mary's bridge, now known 
as the Mill Bridge, and furnished an important entrance 
to the town. 

Among his many grants of privileges. King James, in 
1605, granted a patent to William, the uncle of Christo- 
pher Levett, to collect tolls at these bridges, but for 
some reason, the patent lay dormant until 161 8, when 
Levett, began to enforce his rights. 

So far as we can learn, Levett continued to collect 
tolls until 1628, when the clamor against monopolies 
reached the little town of Doncaster, and its citizens 
suddenly awoke to the fact that they had a monopoly in 
their midst, and they at once declared it a grievance. 

It would seem that Christopher Levett had some 
interest in the patent of his uncle ; hence his petition to 
Parliament, which, however, was not retained, Parlia- . 
ment being then in no mood to favor anything which 
savored of monopoly ; but a few weeks later a petition 
against the objectionable patent was considered, and 
soon after it was declared to be " a Grievance to the 




Subject, both in the Creation and Execution," and the 
good people of Doncaster, without doubt, greatly to their 
satisfaction, were able to cross their bridges free of toU.'^ 
On the twenty-third of August, Buckingham was 
stricken down by the knife of an assassin, and the King 
found himself in straits all too perilous to help any sub- 
ject, however " well beloved." It was a season of terrible 
agitation, and yet we may believe that Levett, in spite 
of it all, was busy with his scheme of settlement in New 
England whither so many anxious minds were turning, 
though we may not be able to distinguish clearly amidst 
the turmoil and confusion, the man who could entertain 


34. The following are extracts from 
the Journals of rarliaraent, British 
Museum ; 

1628, 19° Aprilis, 4° Caroli, Regis. 
A Petition from Christopher Levett 
read. Upon Question this Petition not 
to be retained. 

27 Mali. A Petition against Levett 
read ; And he to be sent for to attend 
this House and bring his Patent* 
with him ; for this to be heard the 
Wednesday seven night after Whit- 
sun tyde. 

12° Junii. The Knights, Citizens, 
and Burgesses of Yorkshyre and 
Yorke to examine Levetts' (Patent) 
for the Toll, this Afternoon, in the 
Court of Wards. 

♦For a Tojl at Two Bridges in Yorkshire. 


Sir The. Went worth reporteth the 
Business, concerning the Toll granted 
to Levett for Two Bridge in Yorke- 
shyre, to him and his Heirs, to be 
holden in socage of East Gree', at 
20s Rent, with Power to seize Goods, 

No Grant hereof, till 2o Jue, nor 
any Fruit of it, till 15o Jue. The 
Bridges ancient, in good repair, some 
particularly bound to repair it. This 
Patent adjudged by the Committee 
a Grievance to the Subject, both in 
the Creation and Execution. 

Upon Question so adjudged here, 
The Drawing up of a Petition to the 
King, concerning this Grievance, re- 


his companions in suffering with merry old sayings, 
while enduring the rigors of a New England winter with- 
out roof, bed or board. We may believe this, because, 
amid the confusion which reigned in old England during 
this entire year, we know that plans were elaborated for 
a colony on the shores of Massachusetts Bay, and John 
Endicott, with a band of hardy men holding a patent 
from the Council for New England, crossed the Atlantic 
and laid the foundations of Salem. 

Just what interest Levett had in this ^undertaking 
we may never know, yet when Winthrop cast anchor in 
Salem Harbor on that ever memorable twelfth of June, 
1630, he records that " Mr. Pierce came aboard us and 
returned to fetch Mr. Endicott, who came to us about 

two of the clock, and with him Mr. Skelton and Capt. 

We way well enquire how Christopher Levett came to 
be at Salem at this time. His interest in New England 
was certainly such as to bring him naturally into relations 
with others possessing a similar interest ; besides, the 
wide publicity which the king's proclamation gave him, 
followed by the publication of his book — acts which may 
have directed the thoughts of Endicott and his associates 
New Englandward — must have emphasized the impor- 

36. Vide the History of New Eng- Vol. I, p. 30. 

land by John Winthrop, Boston, 1863, 


tance of Levett's council to those who contemplated emi- 
gration to a land, which to most was a terra incognita^ 
but with which he was well acquainted. 

It is not strange then, that Christopher Levett was 
one of the first to greet Winthrop upon his arrival in 
New England. He must, however, already have dis- 
posed of his patent in Casco Bay, which, we know, passed 
into the possession of Plymouth merchants. 

When Winthrop met Levett at Salem, he was there 
in command of a ship, in which he sailed shortly after for 
England, bearing letters from Winthrop's company to 
their friends at home. Levett, however, was not again 
to behold the green shores of old England. On the 
voyage home he died, and, instead of reposing with his 
kindred in Yorkshire, he found burial in the great ocean 
which has entombed so many brave adventurers. 

The letters which he was taking home from Win- 
throp's colony never reached their destination. By some 
means they fell into the hands of their enemies, Morton, 
Gardiner and others, and when these rnien petitioned the 
Privy Council on December 19, 1632, to enquire into 
the methods by which the colonists' charter from the 
king was procured, and the abuses practiced under it, 
some of these letters, which contained indiscreet refer- 
ences to the Church government in England, were 




brought into requisition to sustain the action of the 
petitioners. On the twenty-second of the January fol- 
lowing our last unsatisfactory glimpse of Christopher 
Levett at Salem, his widow made a sad journey from 
Sherborne to Bristol, where his ship had brought his 
personal effects.^^ 

36. Frances, the widow of Chris- 
topher Levett, administered on his 
effects on Jan. 22d, 1630, as will be 
seen from the following, extracted 
from the Probate records of Bristol : 
Christofer L. 

4 Admon Act 1631-33. 
Mense January 1630, Bristoll. 

Vecesiino secundo die emanavit 
comissio ffrancisce Levitt viduoe re- 
licte Christoferi Levitt nuper de Sher- 
borne in comitatu Dorsett defuncti 
habents &c. ad administrand bona 
inra et credita d(^i defuncti de bene 
<fec. coram mris Henrico Hartwell et 
fferdinando Nicoll clico vigore co- 
missnia in ea pte emanat &c, 29 li 
08 s 10 d." 

This was a little over seven months 
after he welcomed with Endicott, on 
the deck of the Arbella, the arrival 
of Winthrop in Salem Harbor. Thir- 
teen months later, Winthrop records 
the following ; 

" By this ship," the William, " we 
had intelligence from our friends in 
England, that Sir Ferdinando Gorges 
and Capt. Mason (upon the instiga- 

A few 

tion of Sir Christopher Gardiner, 
Morton and Ratcliff) had preferred 
a petition to the lords of the privy 
council against us, charging us with 
many false accusations, but through 
the Lord's good providence, and the 
care of our friends in England, 
(especially Mr. Emanuel Downing, 
who had married the governour's 
sister, and the good testimony given 
on our behalf by one Capt. Wiggin, 
who dwelt at Fascataquack, and had 
been divers times among us,) their 
malicious practice took not effect. 
The principal matter they had against 
us was, the letters of some indiscreet 
persons among us, who had written 
against the church government in 
England, etc., which had been inter- 
cepted by occasion of the death of 
Capt. Levett, who carried them, and 
died at sea." (Vide the History of 
New England, Vol. I, p. 119.) 

The following extract from a letter 
written by Rev. Henry Faynter to 
John Winthrop, Jr., Mar. 14, 1632, 
also refers to the death of Levett. 
" In my letter to your honored father 
is enclosed one from a godly gentle- 



A few brief lines in the Probate records of Bristol, 
the home of Cabot, furnish us with the last vestige of the 
author o£ "A Voyage into New England," and the first 
English owner of the soil upon which now stands the city 
of Portland. 

woman and and e, deere frinde of my 
wIfeB, concerninge some gooda of 
Capt. Levett, ber deceased husband, 
duuntoherandherohildren." {Vide 
MasH, HiBt. Coll. Vol. I, p 118.) Un- 

fortunately this letter of Levett'a 
wife, enclosed in Payotfir's letter, haa 
not been preserved with the Gover- 
nor's papers. 



Begun in i6z^. and ended 

Fcrformed by ChristophekLkvett, 
hfsMaiefties WooiwaidoC SiimrjS^liire,ani 
oneoftheCoimccUol Ncw-Engbnd. 


PrlAtedat LoMDoH, by Wimum Iohes, 

indtR lo be ToM by Eintid Vrnfer, u ihc iigiic 

•fiheBiUe in Pwlei CliiiKh}aid. 


TO THE RIGHT Honorable, George Duke of Buck- 
ingham, his Grace, Thomas Earle of Arroundell and 
Surrey, Robert Earle of Warwicke, John Earle of 
Houldentes, and the rest of the Counsell for New- 

AY it please your Lordships, that whereas you 
ranted your Commission unto Captaine Rob- 
ert Gorges, Governour of New England, Cap- 

persons, thirteen of whom were noble- 
men of high rank, and they were em- 
powered to hold territory in America 
extending from the Atlnntic to the 
Faoiflo between the fortieth and forty- 
eighth parallels of north latitude, 
which extensive domain they were 
authorized to colonize and rule. 

The members named iMihW Epii- 
(2ei)e(Iic((torie"were among the most 
powerful, viz; George ViUiars, Duke 
of Buckingham, the corrupt favorite 
of James and Charles I, who, at the 
early age of thirty-six years, met a 

37. The Council for New England 
was incorporated Nov. 3, 1620, under 
the title of " The Council established 
at Plymouth. in the County of Devon, 
foT the planting, ruling, ordering and 
goteraing.of New England in Amer- 
ica," and was virtually a re-incor- 
poration of the members of the North- 
ern Colony of Virginia, in ordef to 
place il on an equal footing with its ag- 
gressive rival, the Southern Colony, 
whose charter had already been twice 

Its membership comprised forty 



taine Fraunces JVesiy^^ myselfe, and the Governour of 
New Plimoth^'^ as Counsellers with him, for the ordering 


violent death at the hand of an assas- 
sin ; Thomas Howard, Earl of Arun- 
del, a member of the King's Privy 
Council in 1607, and who after an 
active public life died at Padua, Italy, 
Oct. 4th, 1646; Robe.rt Rich, second 
Earl of Warwick, bom in 1687, 
who was an active promotor of colo- 
nization during his eventful life, 
which ended April 19th. 1658; and 
John, Earl of Holderness, born 1680, 
died 1625. Within the immense ter- 
ritory embraced by its charter, the 
Council could establish such laws as 
it thought best for its interests, and 
could even extend its jurisdiction to 
ships coming to and going from its 
possessions. It was a great monop- 
oly, and was so regarded by the cal- 
low reformers of the period. Prior to 
Smith's visit to the region embraced 
by the Council's charter, it had at 
first been called Norumbega, but later 
Northern Virginia. The name. New 
England, first appears on Smith's 
map of 1614, and to this redoubtable 
navigator its origin is undoubtedly 
due, although a late writer claims 
that previous to this date, the title 
had been used. ( Fu2e Henry Hudson 
in Holland, by Henry C. Murphy, pp. 
43-66.) The author bases this state- 
ment upon a map published at Am- 
sterdam in 1612, where the title, Nova 
Albion appears. ' With regard to the 

origm of the word, Norumbega, there 
exists a wide divergence of opinion. 
Several writers claim it to be a native 
term, and even attempt to outline its 
etymology, {yide Thevet's Cosmog- 
raphie. Vol. II, p. 1009. Vetromile's 
History of the Abnakis, p. 49.) It 
has also been claimed to be a relic of 
Norse occupation, like several other 
things which only a convenient the- 
ory, unassailable for want of knowl- 
edge respecting it, can father. One 
of these writers derives it from Nor- 
rcenbygda, meaning the Norse Coun- 
try. (FideNorambegue, Decouverte 
d'une quatri^me colonic Pre-Colum- 
bienne dans le Nouveau Monde, par 
Eugene Beauvois, pp. 27-32, and dis- 
covery of the Ancient City of Nor- 
umbega, by Eben N. Horsford, p. 19.) 
Much has been written concerning 
its extent. It is now well known 
that the Indians were not in the habit 
of giving names to large districts, and 
we may be quite sure that this name 
was never applied by them to the ex- 
tensive territory depicted on old maps, 
the bounds of which are so indefinite, 
and that if the word is of Indian 
origin, it had only a local appli- 
cation. Presenting itself in cartology 
in 1629 as Aranbega, it assumes from 
time to time a variety of forms too 
puzzling to afford elements from 
which the etymologist can construct 



and Gouerning of all the said Terretories, wherein wee 
haue ben diligent to the vttermost of our powers, as we 


a satisfactory theory. (Vide the map 
of Hieronimus Verrazano, 1529, also 
for various particulars respecting it, 
DeCosta's Northmen in Maine, p 44. 
Collections of the Maine Historical 
Society, Vol. VIII, p. 315. The Mag- 
azine of American History for May, 
1881, p. 392. Sewairs Ancient Do- 
minions of Maine, p. 31.) 

38. Captain Francis West, whose 
brief connection with the early polit- 
ical history of New England deserves 
a passing mention, was the fourth son 
of Sir Thomas and Lady Anne (Knol- 
lys) West, and was born 28 October, 
1586, at Buckhurst, Withyecombe, 
Sussex. (" Bennett lloll " Magazine of 
American History, ix, 18, 46.) His 
father, the second Lord De La Warr, 
was himself one of the illustrious 
members of that familv, related to 
the Royal Houses of England, France, 
Scotland and Normandy, and which 
gained a merited prominence in the 
early colonization of America, be- 
queathing its name to one of our 
sovereign states. Captain Francis was 
"an ancient planter" of Virginia, 
emigrating thither in 1008, (Colonial 
State Papers, ii, 15) and as early as 
1610, was a local magistrate, govern- 
ing "at the Falles." (True Declar- 
ation of Virginia, 1610.) He held for 
many years a membership in the Pro- 
vincial Council, being one of the sub- 


scribers to the stock of the Virginia 
Company, (Declaration of the State 
of Virginia, 1620). In 1623 he was 
commissioned Admiral of New Eng- 
land as is shown by this entry in the 
Records of the Council for New Eng- 
land, p. 21. " It is agreed on that 
there shall bee a Commission granted 
to Capt. Francis West to goe to New 
England, Capt. of the Shippe called 
ye planta^on, and Admirall for that 
Coast dureing this Voyage, And this 
Clause to be insirted in his Com. that 
bee bath power to take any to Asso- 
ciate him there for the dispatch of 
his ImploymtB, according as bee shall 
think meete. And that a pattent bee 
granted to Capt Thomas Squibb, to 
be ayding and Assisting to the Admi- 

Sr. Fer<i. Gorges is desired to draw 
upp Capt. West's Instructions." 

Shortly after his voyage to New 
England he returned to Virginia, 
where he resumed his connection 
with the political affairs of the prov- 
ince. Upon the death of Sir George 
Yardley, Governor of Virginia, No- 
vember, 1627, he was chosen by his as- 
sociates to fill the vacancy, in the 
absence of Sir John Harvey, who 
was named in Yardley's commission 
as his eventual successor. (Bancroft, 
United States, (1876,) i, 152, comp. 
Burk, Virginia, Ii. 22, 23.) This 



shall be ready to render an account vnto your Honors, 
when you shall be pleased to require vs thereunto. In 
the meane time, I thought it my dutie to present vnto 
your viewes, such obseruation as I haue taken, both of the 
Countrey and People, Commodities & Discommodities : 
as also, what places ate fit to settle Plantations in, in 
which not, what courses are fit in my vnderstanding to 
bee taken, for bringing Glory to God, Hounour to our 
King & Nation, good vnto the Commonwealth, & profit 
to all Aduenturers and Planters : which I humbly beseech 
your Lordships to accept of, as the best fruits of a shal- 

office he retained for nearly two years 
till Harvey arrived, when he probably 
returned to England and became a 
privateersman, bringing captured 
ships into English ports as prizes 
during the next two years, upon 
letters of marque. (Domestic Calen- 
der, (Charles 1) 1627, 1628, 287, 1629, 
1631, 726.) On the 29 May. 1630, he is 
spoken of as "now in England." 
(Colonial State Papers, v, 93.) 

In the quarrel between Harvey and 
the Councillors he took part against 
the Governor, but signed the treaty 
of peace, 20 December, 1631, between 
the factions. He last appears on 
record at a meeting of the Council of 
Virginia in February, 1633. There is 
a family tradition that he met his 
death by drowning. 

39. William Bradford, the second 
governor of the Plymouth Colony, 
whose record of the affair is as fol- 
lows : {Vide History of Plymouth 
Plantation, by William Bradford, 
Boston, 1866, p. 141.) "About ye 
later end of June came in a ship, with 
Captaine Francis West, who bad a 
commission to be admirall of New 
England, to restraine interlopers, and 
such fishing ships as came to fish & 
trade without a license from ye Coun- 
sell of New England, for which they 
should pay a round sume of money. 
But he could doe no good of them, 
for they were too stronge for him, 
and he found ye fisher men to be 
stubeme fellows." 


low capasitie : so shall I thinke my time and charge well 
imploied, which I haue spent in these affaires. 

I haue omitted many things in this my discourse, 
which I conceiued to be Impertinent at this time for me 
to relate, as of the time of my being at Sea, of the strange 
Fish which wee there saw, some with wings flying aboue 
the water, others with manes, eares, and heads, and 
chasing one another with open mouths like stone Horses 
in a parke, as also of the steering of our Course, the ob- 
seruation of the Sunne and Starres, by which the eleua- 
tion of the Pole is found, the degrees of latitude knowen, 
which shews how far a ship is out of his due course, 
either to the North or South ; likewise of the making of 
the land at our arriuall vpon the choast of New England 
how it did arise and appeare vnto vs ; how every Har- 
bour beares one from another vpon the point of the 
Compas : and what Rockes and dangers are in the way : 
how many fathom water is found by sounding at the 
entrance of euery Harbour : and from how many of the 
seuerall winds all the Harbours are land-locked. But by 
this meanes I thought I should not only be tedious, but 
also be in danger of losing myselfe, for want of fit phraises 
and sound iudgment, in the Arts of the Mathematickes 
and Nauigation, (being but a young Scholler though an 




ancient trauiler by sea,) and therefore thought better to ■ 
omit those, then anything I haue relate. 

Thus beseeching God to blesse your Honors, I rest 
at your Lordshippes seruice. 


. . . THE CONTENTS . . . 



Containes my discoaery of diuers Riuers and Harbours with their names and 
which are fit for Plantations and which not. 


Sheweth how the Sauages carried them seines vnto me continually, and of my 
going to their Kings howses : and their coming to mine. 


Sheweth the nature and disposition of the Sauages, and of their seuerall Gods, 
Squanto and Tanto. 


Containes a description of the Countrey, with the commodities and discom- 


Certaine objections and answers, with sufficient proofes how it may be exceed- 
ing profitable to the common wealth, and all Planters and Aduenturers. 


Sheweth how by aduenturing of 100 pounds more or lesse, a man may profit so 
much euery yeare for 20 yeares, or more without any more charge than at the 


Sheweth how euery Parrish may be freed of their weekely payments to the 
poore, by the profits which may be fetched thence. With certaine objections 
against the things contained in this and the former Chapter: with answers 
there vnto. 

CHAP. vm. 

Containes certaine directions for all priuate persons that intends to goe into 
New England to plant. 



Containes my discouery of diverse Riuers and Harbours, 

with their names, and which are Jit for 

Plantations, and which not. 

IhE first place I set my foote vpon in New Eng- 
land, was the Isles of Shoulds,*" being Hands 
in the Sea, about two Leagues from the Mayne. 
Vpon these Hands, I neither could see one good timber 
tree, nor so much good ground as to make a garden. 


40. These islands were first de- 
scribed b; Champiain in 1005, who 
called them "isles asset hauUs" 
Nine years later Capt. John Smith 
bestowed upon them his own name. 
They were called Smith's Isles for 
several years, when shortly before 
l>evelt'B visit we Hnd them called the 
" Hands of Sholes." Who flrst be- 
stowed upon them this name, which 
they sijll retain, is unknown. They 

are bare masses of ragged, granite 
rock, thickly strewn with boulders ; 
destitute of trees but clothed in places 
with straggling bushes, which cling 
tenaciously to crevicea in the flinty 
rock. They lie about six miles from 
the shores of New Hampshire and 
are much frequented by summer tour- 
ists, with whom they are deservedly 


The place is found to be a good fishing place for 6 
Shippes, but more cannot well be there for want of 
convenient stage-roome, as this yeare's experience hath 

The Harbor is but indifferent good. Vpon these 
Hands are no Savages at all. 

The next place I came vnto was Pannawayy^^ where 
one M. Tomsmi^* hath made a Plantation, there 1 stayed 
about one Moneth in which time I sent for my men 
from the East : who came over in diverse Shipps. 

At this place I met with the Governour/^ who came 


41. Odiorne's Point, near the mouth 
of the Piscataqua. 

42. David Thompson, a Scotch- 
man, was the agent for Sir Ferdi- 
nando Gorges and John Mason. He 
had established himself on the south- 
erly bank of the mouth of the Piscat- 
aqua, at a place called by the Indians 
Pannaway, shortly before Levett's ar- 
rival in the country. He remained 
at this place but two years, when he 
removed to an island in Boston Har- 
bor which still preserves his name, 
where he died three years later, leav- 
ing a wife and one child. 

In the Trelawny Papers is an in- 
teresting letter signed by Aniias 
Maverick, wife of Samuel Maverick. 
This letter, probably the only one of 
the writer's in existence, revealed for 
the first time the Christian name of 

Maverick's wife, which otherwise 
might never have been known, and 
now Frank W. Hackett, Esq., has 
made the further discovery, that 
Amias Maverick was the widow of 
David Thompson, to whom she was 
married at Plymouth, England, on 
July 13th, 1613, anu that her family 
name was Cole. For a particular 
account of Thompson, vide Proceed- 
ings of the Massachusetts Historical 
Society for 1876, pp. 36a-381. Ibid 
for 1878, p. 214. Records of Massa- 
chusetts, by Nathaniel B. ShurtleCf, 
M. D., Vol. Ill, p. 129 et seq. Chron- 
icles of the Pilgrims, Alexander 
Young, Boston, 1854, p. 350 et seq. 
Annals of Portsmouth, by Nathaniel 
Adams, Portsmouth, 1825, p. 10. 
43. Gov. Robert Gorges. 


thither in a Barke which he had from one M. Westo7t^^ 
about 20 dayes before I arived in the Land. 

The Governour then told me that I was joyned with 
him in Commission as a Counseller, which being read I 
found it was so. And he then, in the presence of three 
more of the Counsell, administered unto me an oath. 

After the meeting of my men, I went a coasting in 
two boats with all my company. 

In the time I stayd with M. Tomson, I surveyed as 
much as possible I could, the wether being vnseasonable, 
and very much snow. 

In those parts I saw much good Timber. But the 
ground it seemed to me not to be good, being very rockey 
and full of trees and brushwood. 

There is great store of fowle of diverse sorts, wherof 
I fed very plentifully. 

About two English miles further to the East, I found 

a great 

44. Thomas Weston was a Lon- 
don merchant, one of those by whose 
aid the Pilgrims had been enabled to 
emigrate to America. The year 
before Levett's arrival he had under- 
t'lken to plant a colony at Wessa- 
gussett, now known as Weymouth, 
but his project had miscarried, and 
he had suffered considerable hard- 
ships. He had been engaged in fish- 
ing and trade along the coast with- 
out the consent of the Council, and 
upon the arrival of the Governor, 


Robert Gorges, who found his vessel 
in the harbor of Plymouth, had been 
called to account by him. Governor 
Bradford, however, acted as a peace- 
maker and Weston escaped the pen- 
alty of an "interloper." After an 
eventful career his end Is thus re- 
corded: "He dyed afterwards at 
Bristoll, in ye time of the warrs, of ye 
sickness in yt place." Vide History 
of Plymouth Plantation, by William 
Bradford, Boston, 1856, note p. 164. 


a great River and a good harbour called Pascattaway.^^ 

But for the ground I can say nothing, but by the relation 

of the Sagamore or King of that place, who told me 

there was much good ground up in the river about seven 

or eight leagues. 

About two leagues, further to the East is another 

great river called Aquamenticus^^ There I think a 

good plantation may be settled, for there is a good 

harbour for ships, good ground, and much already 

cleared, fit for planting of corne and other fruits, having 

heretofore ben planted by the Salvages who are all dead. 

There is good timber, and likely to be good fishing, but 

as yet there hath beene no tryall made that I can heare 



45. The site of the present city of 
Portsmouth, New Hampshire. The 
name here given is doubtless an ap- 
proximation to the sound of the In- 
dian name of the place as it appeared 
to the English. To the French it 
was Pesmokanti. Etymology, which 
is so often pressed into the service of 
theorists with amusing results, has 
been exercised upon this word, and 
one author assumes that it signifies 
TighJt angles, while another thinks 
that it means the great deer-place. 
In the Trelawny Papers, this, it is 
suggested, is the more probable 
meaning, but a longer study of 
Abnaki place names has tended to 

unsettle confidence in this meaning, 
as in many others, confidently as- 
sumed to be correct by writers, none 
of whom possessed more than a frag- 
mentary knowledge of the Abnaki 
tongue, an intimate knowledge of 
which is not even sufficient to ensure 
accurate etymological results. 

46. Agamenticus, we are confi- 
dently told, signifies snow-shoe river, 
from the shape of the pond forming 
its source. The place was selected 
subsequently by Sir Ferdlnando Gor- 
ges as the seat of his airy govern- 
ment, and named Gorgeana. It is 
now known as York. 


About 6 leagues further to the East is a harbour 
called Cape Porpas,^^ the which is indifferent good for 
6 shippes, and it is generally thought to be an excellent 
place for fish, but as yet there hath been no tryall made, 
but there may be a good plantation seated, for there is 
good Timber and good ground, but will require some 
labour and charge. 

About foure leagues further East, there is another har- 
bour called Sawco^^ (betweene this place and Cape Porpas 
I lost one of my men) before we could recover the har- 
bour a great fog or mist tooke us that we could not see 
a hundred yards from us. I perceiving the fog to come 
upon the Sea, called for a Compasse and set the Cape 
land, by which wee knew how to steare our course, 
which was no sooner done but wee lost sight of land, 
and my other boate, and the winde blew fresh against 
us, sa that we were enforced to strike saile and betake 

47. This is still as Levett found it, 
"an excellent place for fish," and 
there has been " a good plantation 
seated " there. The name, however, 
is not now applied to so extensive an 
area of territory as it was in early 

48. It is hard to determine just 
the locality which Levett denom- 
inates Saco ; but his description com- 
prises Fletchers' Neck and Bidde- 
ford Fool, as well as the islands, 


Wood, Negro, Ram, Eagle, Stage and 
Basket. The difficulties which lie 
in the way of etymologists, who 
would adduce meanings from the 
sounds of Abnaki words as preserved 
by early writers, are well illustrated 
in this word, which appeared to dif- 
ferent ears to be Sowocatack, Choiia- 
coet, Sawaguatock, and to Levett 
Sawco, which last sound is preserved 
in the modern Saco. 


us to our Oares which wee used with all the wit and 
strength we had, but by no meanes could we recover the 
shore that night, being imbayed and compassed round 
with breaches, which roared in a most fearful! manner 
on every side us ; wee took counsell in this extremity 
one of another what to doe to save our lives, at length 
we resolved that to put to sea againe in the night was 
no fit course, the storme being great, and the winde 
blowing right of the shore, and to runne our boate on 
the shore amongst the breaches, (which roared in a 
most fearefull manner) and cast her away and indanger 
ourselves we were loath to do, seeing no land nor 
knowing where we were. At length I caused our Killick 
(which was all the Anker we had) to be cast forth, and 
one continually to hold his hand upon the roode or 
cable, by which we knew whether our ancker held or 
no : which being done wee commended our selues to God 
by prayer, & put on a resolution to be as comfortable as 
we could, and so fell to our victuals. Thus we spent 
that night, and the next morning, with much adoe we 
got into Sawco, where I found my other boate.^^ 

There I stayed fiue nights, the winde beinge con- 

49. This river, the Saco, rises 
in the White Mountains, which 
are distinctly seen by mariners as 
they approach the coast. In the 
locality where Levett camped, one 

can still find the long grass in suffi- 
cient quantity to furnish all the kings 
of Christendom with a bed as luxu- 
rious as the explorers enjoyed. 



trary, and the- weather very unseasonable, hauing much 
raine and snow, and continuall foggse. 

We built us our Wigwam, or house, in one houres 
space, it had no frame, but was without forme or fashion, 
onely a few poles set up together, and couered with our 
boates sailes which kept forth but a little winde, and lesse 
raigne and snow. 

Our greatest comfort we had, next unto that which 
was spirituall, was this we had foule enough for killing, 
wood enough for felling, and good fresh water enough 
for drinking. 

But our beds was the wet ground, and our bedding 
our wet deaths. Wee had plenty of Craine, Goose, 
Duckes and Mallard, with other fowle, both boyled and 
rosted, but our spits and racks were many times in danger 
of burning before the meate was ready (being but wooden 

After I had stayed there three daies, and no likelyhood 
of a good winde to carrie vs further, I tooke with me six 
of my men, and our Armes, and walked along the shore, 
to discouer as much by land as I could: after I had 
travelled about two English miles I met with a riuer 
which stayed me that I could goe no further by land 
that day, but returned to our place of habitation where 
we rested that night (hauing our lodging amended) for 



the day being dry I caused all my company to accom- 
pany mee to a marsh ground, where wee gathered euery 
man his burthen of long dry grasse, which being spread 
in our Wigwam or House, I praise God I rested as con- 
tentedly as euer I did in all my life. And then came 
into my minde an old merry saying, which I haue heard 
of a begger boy, who said if euer he should attaine to be 
a King, he would haue a breast of mutton with a pud- 
ding in it, and lodge euery night vp to the eares in drye 
straw; and thus I made myselfe and my company as 
merry as I could, with this and some other conceits, 
making this vse of all, that it was much better then wee 
deserued at Gods hands, if he should deale with vs 
according to our sinnes. 

The next morning I caused 4 of my men to rowe my 
lesser boate to this riuer, who with much adoe got in 
myselfe, and 3 more going by land : but by reason of the 
extremitie of the wether we were enforced to stay there 
that night, and were constrained to sleepe vpon the 
riuer banke, being the best place wee could finde, the 
snowe being very deepe. 

The next morning wee were enforced to rise betime, 
for the tyde came vp so high that it washed away our 
fire, and would haue serued vs so too if we had not kept 
watch : So wee went over the riuer in our boate, where 

I caused 


I caused some to stay with her, myselfe being desirous 
to discouer further by land, I tooke with me foure men 
and walked along the shore about sixe English miles 
further to the East, where I found another riuer, which 
staied mee. So we returned backe to Sawco, where the 
rest of my company and my other boate lay. That 
night I was exceeding sicke, by reason of the wet and 
cold and much toyling of my body : but thankes be to 
God I was indifferent well the next morning, and the 
winde being faire we put to sea, and that day came to 

But before I speak of this place I must say some- 
thing of SawcOy and the too riuers which I discouered in 
that bay, which I thinke neuer Englishman saw before. 

Sawco is about one league to the North-east of a 
cape land. And about one English mile from the maine 
lieth sixe Hands, which make an indifferent good har- 
bour. And in the maine there is a Coue or gutt, which 
is about a cables length in bredth, and too cables length 
long, there two good Ships may ride, being well mored 
a head and starne ; and within the Coue there is a great 
Marsh, where at a high water a hundredth sayle of Ships 
may floate, and be free from all winds, but at' low water 
must ly a ground, but being soft oase they can take no 



In this place there is a world of fowle, much good 
timber, and a great quantetie of cleare ground and good, 
if it be not a little too sandy. There hath beene more 
fish taken within too leagues of this place this yeare 
then in any other in the land. 

The riuer next to Sawco eastwards, which I dis- 
covered by land, and after brought my boat into, is the 
strangest river that ever my eyes beheld. It flowes at 
the least ten foot water upright, and yet the ebbe runs 
so strong that the tyde doth not stem it. At three 
quarters floud my men were scarce able with foure Oares 
to rowe ahead. And more then that, at full Sea I dipped 
my hand in the water, quite without the mouth of 
the River, in the very main Ocean, and it was as fresh 
as though it had been taken from the head of a Spring. 
This River, as I am told by the Salvages^ commeth 
from a great mountaine called the Christall hill, being as 
they say loo miles in the Country, yet is it to be seene at 
the sea side, and there is no ship ariues in New England^ 
either to the West so farre as Cape Cod, or to the East 
so farre as Monkiggen, but they see this Mountaine the 
first land, if the weather be cleere. 

The next river Eastward which I discovered by land, 
is about sixe miles from the other. About these two 
riuers I saw much good timber and sandy ground, there 



is also much fowle, fish and other commodities: but 
these places are not fit for plantation for the present, 
because there is no good comming in, either for ship, or 
boate, by reason of a sandy breach which lyeth alongst the 
shore, and makes all one breach.^° 

And now in its place I come to Quack,^^ which I haue 
named Yorke. At this place there fished divers ships 
of Waymouth this yeare. 

It lyeth about two leagues to the East of Cape Eliza- 
beth, It is a Bay or Sound betwixt the Maine and 
certaine Hands which lyeth in the sea about one English 
mile and halfe. 

There are foure Hands which makes one good harbour, 
there is very good fishing, much fowle and the mayne as 
good ground as any can desire. There I fotid one 
River wherein the Savages say there is much Salmon 
and other good fish. In this Bay, there hath ben taken 
this yeare 4. Sturgions, by fishermen who driue only for 
Herrings, so that it is likely there may be good store 
taken if there were men fit for that purpose. This River 

I made 

50. This answers the description 
of the Spur wink, where Cleeve and 
Tucker subsequently settled. 

61. Exactly what territory is com- 
prised under this title, it is impossible 
to define * but there can be no doubt 
as to the main features of the territory 


described. The islands are certainly 
Cushings, Peaks', Diamond and 
House; and the harbor, Portland. 
Levett's patent of six thousand acres 
must, besides these islands, have em- 
braced a large area of territory on the 
main land. 


I made bold to call by my owne uame Levetts river,^* 
being the first that discovered it. How farre this river is 
Navigable I cannot tell, I haue ben but 6. miles up it, but 
on both sides is goodly ground. 

In the same Bay I found another River, up which I 
went about three miles, and found a great fall, of water 
much bigger than the fall at Londmt bridge, at low water ; 
further a boate cannot goe, but above the fall the River 
runnes smooth againe." 

lust at this fall of water the Sagamore or King of 
that place hath a house, where I was one day when there 
were two Sagamors more, their wiues and children, in all 
about 50. and we were but 7. They bid me welcome and 
gaue me such victualls as they had, and I gaue them 
Tobacco and Aqua vitae. 

After I had spent a little time with them I departed 
& gaue them a small shot, and they gaue me another. 
And the great Sagamore of the East country, whom the 
rest doe acknowledge to be chiefe amongst them, hee 
gaue unto me a Bevers skin, which I thankfully received, 
and so in great loue we parted. On both sides this river 
there is goodly ground. 


62. This river is known as Fore Levett, its present one being almost 

Biver, but the salmon, which glanced meaningless. 

through its waters are but reminis- 53. This is certainly the Presump- 

cences of an idyllic past. It would scot, whose rocky fall still presents 

be well to restore to it the name of an impassable barrier to navigation. 


From this harbour to Sagadahock, which is about 8. or 
9. leagues, is all broken Hands in the Sea, which makes 
many excellent good Harbours, where a thousand saile 
of Shipps may ride in safety ; the sound going up within 
the Hands to the Cape of Sagadahock. 

In the way betwixt Yorke and Sagadahock lyeth 
Cascoe^^ a good harbour, good fishing, good ground, and 
muchfowle. And I am perswaded that from Cape Eliz- 
abeth to Sagadahock^ which is aboue 30 leagues to follow 
the Maine, is all exceeding commodious for Plantations : 
and that there may be 20 good Townes well seated, to 
take the benefit both of the sea, and fresh Rivers. 

For Sagadahock I need say nothing of it, there hath 
been heeretofore enough said by others, and I feare me 
too much. But the place is good, there fished this yeare 
two ships. 

The next place I came to was Capemanwagan^^ a 
place where nine ships fished this yeare. But I like it 
not for a plantation, for I could see little good timber & 
lesse good ground, there I staid foure nights, in which 
time, there came many Savages with their wiues and 


54. The region here alluded to is 
still denominated Casco Bay. Lev- 
ett probably applies the name Casco 
to that portion of the bay embraced 
by the shores of Cumberland and 
North Yarmouth. 

55. This place is frequently men- 
tioned by early writers, but the name 
has disappeared from the region to 
which it was applied. The town of 
Booth bay embraces a portion of the 
region, and probably Southport. 


children, and some of good accompt amongst them, as 
Meiiawormet a Sagamore, Cogawesco the Sagamore of 
Casco and Quack, now called Yorke, Somerset, a Saga- 
more, one that hath ben found very faithfuU to the Eng- 
lish, and hath saved the Hues of many, of our Nation, 
some from starving, others from* killing. 

They entended to haue ben gone presently, but hear- 
ing of my being there, they desired to see me, which I 
understood by one of the Masters of the Ships, who 
likewise told me that they had some store of Beauer 
coats and skinnes, and was going to Pemaquid to truck 
with one Mr. Withcridge, a Master of a ship of Bastable, 
and desired me to use meanes that they should not 
carry the out of the harbour, I wisht them to bring 
all their truck to one Mr. Cokes stage, & I would do the 
best I could to put it away : some of them did accord- 
ingly, and I then sent for the Sagamores, who came, and 
after some complements they told me I must be their 
cozen, and that Captaine Gorges was so, (which you may 
imagine I was not a little proud of, to be adopted cozen 
to so many great Kings at one instant,, but did willingly 
accept of it) and so passing away a little time very pleas- 
antly, they desired to be gone, whereupon I told them 
that I understood they had some coates and Beauers 
skins which I desired to truck for but they were un- 


willing, and I seemed carelesse of it (as men must doe 
if they desire any thing of them.) But at last Somerset 
swore that there should be none carryed out of the har- 
bour, but his cozen Levett should haue all, and then they 
began to offer me some by way of gift, but I would take 
none but one paire of sleeues from Cogawesco, but told 
them it was not the fashion of English Captaines alwaies 
to be taking, but sometimes to take and giue, and contin- 
ually to truck was very good. But in fine, we had all 
except one coate and two skinnes, which they reserved 
to pay an old debt with, but they staying all that night, 
had them stole from them. 

In the morning the Sagamores came to mee with a 
grieuous complaint, I vsed the best language I could to 
giue them content, and went with them to some Stages 
which they most suspected, and searched both Cabins 
and Chests, but found none. They seeing my willing- 
nesse to finde the theefe out, gaue mee thankes, and 
wished me to forbeare saying the Rogues had car- 
ried them into the woods where I could not find them. 

When they were ready to depart they asked mee 
where I meant to settle my plantation. I told them I 
had scene many places to the west, and intended to goe 
farther to the east before I could resolue, they sayed there 
was no good place, and I had heard, that Pemoquid and 




Capmanwagan, and Monkiggon were granted to others, 
& the best time for fishing was then at hand, which 
made me the more willing to retire, and the rather be- 
cause Cogawesco, the Sagamore of Casco and Qttacke, told 
me if that I would sit downe at either of those two 
places, I should be very welcome, and that he and his 
wife would goe along with me in my boate to see them, 
which curtesey I had no reason to refuse, because, I 
had set vp my resolution before to settle my plantation 
at Quacke, which I named Yorke, and was glad of this 
oppertunity, that I had obtained the consent of them 
who as I conceiue hath a naturall right of inheritance, as 
they are the sonnes of Noah, and therefore doe thinke it 
fit to carry things very fairely without compulsion, (if it 
be posible) for avoyding of treacherie. 

The next day the winde came faire, and I sayled to 
Quacke or Yorke, with the King, Queene, and Prince, 
bowe and arrowes, dogge and kettell in my boate, his 
noble attendance rowing by vs in their Cannow. 

When we came to Yorke the Masters of the Shippes 
came to bid me welcome, and asked what Sauages those 
were, I told them, and I thanked them, they vsed them 
kindly, & gaue them meate, drinke and tobacco. The 
woman or reputed Queene, asked me if those men were 
my friends, I told her they were ; then she dranke to them, 




and told them, they were welcome to her Countrey, and 
so should all my friends be at any time, she dranke also 
to her husband, and bid him welcome to her Coun- 
trey too, for you must vnderstand that her father was the 
Sagamore of this place, and left it to her at his death 
hauing no more Children. 

And thus after many dangers, much labour and 
great charge, I haue obtained a place of habitation in 
New-England, where I haue built a house, and fortified 
it in a reasonable good fashion, strong enough against 
such enemies as are those Sauage people.^^ 

Chap. II. 

66. Where was this fortified house 
in which Levett left a little company 
of men to hold it until his return ; 
not men whose sole duty it was to 
defend it against the savages, but to 
carry on a fishing for him? The 
question is not one of much import- 
ance, but has been often speculated 
upon ; indeed, it will probably never 
pass beyond the stage of speculation. 
That it was upon an island seems 
quite well settled, especially by Mav- 
erick, who says that "About the 
yeare 1632 (a clerical error for 1623) 
there was a Patent granted to one 
Capt. Christopher Levett for 6.000 
acres of land which he tooke up in 
this Bay neare Cape Elizabeth, and 
built a good House and fortified well 
on an Island lyeiug before Casco 
River." House Island best answers 

this description. It lies near Cape 
Elizabeth and before Casco or Fore 
River; besides, from the earliest 
time, this island has been a favorite 
resort of fishermen, and its sunny 
slopes have been burdened with their 
flakes, as they are to^ay. Its name 
Is also suggestive. Levett's house 
was a fortified one, and we can hardly 
doubt was the one called by Winter 
when writing to Trelawny, " ih^ house 
at Casko" where he went to engage 
some fishermen in 1630, which we 
must also infer was on "an Island 
in that baye of Cascoe," since 
Trelawny tells Gorges that this 
island was the only part of his patent 
of which Levett took de facto posses- 
sion. Two answers have been made 
to this theory. The first answer is 
that in a deed of 1808 it is called 



SJieweth how tJie Sauages^ carried tfiemselues vnto me con- 
tinually^ and of my going to tfieir Kings 
Houses : and t/ieir comming to mine. 

HI LEST I staied in this place I had some 
little trucke, but not much, by reason of an 
euill member in the Harbour, who being cou- 
etous of trucke vsed the matter so, that he got the Sau- 
ages away from me. 


" Howes, alias House Island/' and 
therefore, took its name from a 
former occupant. But how account 
for the fact that in White's deed in 
1663, it is denominated "house Hand 
— with the house yron/' and so, for 
a century and a half afterwards is 
named in the varied spelling so com- 
mon to the time, house, howse, hows 
and in the deed of 1818, Howes. As 
a matter of fact there is no record in 
existence showing that it was ever 
occupied by a man by the name of 
Howe ; but if it had been, it would 
only show a coincidence precisely 
like one in the case of Mackworth or 
Mackey*s Island. When the writer 
first visited this island in 1884, an 
old lady living there said she knew 
Mr. Mackey for whom it was named. 
When informed that she must be old 
as the man from whom it derived its 

name had been dead more than two 
centuries, she replied confidently, 
that he was alive twenty years be- 
fore, and investigation showed the cu- 
rious coincidence, that James Mack- 
ey, a Scotchman, lived on the island 
about thirty years before, and was 
supposed to have given his name to 
the island, although it had borne that 
name more than a century before 
his birth. The second answer was 
by a military man, who reasoned that 
Levett would not have attempted to 
fortify this island, as a man posses- 
sing any military knowledge would 
not have erected a fortification on 
such an island ; forgetting that noth- 
ing was needed but a house fortified, 
as Levett says, " in a reasonable good 
fashion, strong enough against such 
enemies as are these savage people," 
and strangely overlooking the still 


And it is no wonder that he should abuse me in this 
sort, for he hath not spared your Lordshipps and all the 
Co un sell for New-England. 

He said vnto the Gouernour that the Lords had sent 
men ouer into that Countrey with Commissions, to 
make a prey of others. And yet for my owne part I 
neuer demanded or tooke from any man in that Coun- 
tery, the value of a denier, neither had I so much helpe 
from any Shippe or Shippes companie as one mans 
labour the space of an houre, nor, had I any prouision 
or victuall vpon any tearmes whatsoeuer, saue onely 
1000. of bread, and 22. bushells of pease, which was 
offered vnto mee and not by me requested, for which I 
gaue present satisfaction in Beuer skines : and also 
one Rownlet of Aqua vitcB, which was brought to me 16 
Leagues vnexpected, which good manners bid me buy. 
Much more provision was offered to me by many Mas- 
ters of Ships, but I had no need thereof, so I gaue them 
thanks for their kindnesse, and refused all. 

Nay, it is well knowne, that I was so farre from doing 
wrong to any: that I suffered the Land which was 
granted to me by Pattent and made choyce of before 


more important fact, that it had 
already been fortified by the United 
States Government. Vide Maver- 
ick's Description of New England, p. 
8; Trelawny Papers, pp. 102, 251; 


York Deeds, Book I, p, 144 ; Goold's 
Portland in the Past, p. 27, and an 
article read before the Maine His- 
torical Society by Lieutenant Leary. 


any other man came there, to be used, and my timber to 
be cut downe & spoyled, without taking or asking any 
satisfaction for the same. And I doubt not but all 
others to whom you gaue authoritie, will sufficiently 
cleare themselues of all such imputations. 

He said also he cared not for any authoritie in that 
place and though he was forbid to trucke yet would he 
haue all he could get: in despite of who should say to 
the contrary, having a great Ship with 1 7. peeces of 
Ordinance and 50. men. 

And indeed his practise was according to his words, 
for every Sunday or once in the weeke, he went him- 
selfe or sent a boate up the river and got all the trucke be- 
fore they could come downe to the Harbour. And so 
many Savages as he could get to his stage, hee would 
enforce the to leaue their goods behind them. One 
instance a mongst many I will giue you. 

On a certaine day there came two Savages to his 
place, who were under the command of Somerset or Con- 
way^ I know not whether, at which time they were both 
with me at my house, but the other two who went to 
him, knew not so much, but afterwards they understand- 
ing of it, came presently over, but left their Cotts and 
Beauer skins behind them, whereat Somerset and Conway 
were exceeding angrie and were ready to beate the 



poore fellows, but I would not suffer them so to doe. 
They presently went over the Harbor themselues in 
their Cannow to fetch their goods, but this man would let 
them haue none, but wished them to truck with him, 
they told him they would not, but would carry them to 
Captaine Levett, he said Levett was no captaine, but a 
lacknape, a poore fellow, &c. They told him againe 
that he was a Roague^ with some other speeches, where- 
upon he and his company fell upon them & beate th^m 
both, in so much that they came to me in a great rage 
against him, and said they would be revenged on his 
Fishermen at sea, and much adoe I had to diswade one 
of them for going into England to tell King lames of it, 
as he said ; when they came to me in this rage, there 
was two or three Masters of Shippes by, and heard every 

But all this did me no hurt, (saue the losse of the 
trucke, which by divers was thought to be worth above 
50. li.) for the two Sagamores whom he inticed from me, 
and incensed against me, at length used meanes to be 
freinds with me, sending one who asked me, if I were 
angrie with them, I told them no, I was not angrie with 
them for any such matter as lowsie Cotts and skinnes, 
but if they were Matchett^ that is, naughtie men, and 
rebellious, then I would be Mouchick Hoggery^ that is 
very angry, and would Cram^ that is, kill them all. 



When they came them selues to me to seeke peace, 
they brought me a Beauer Coate, and two Otter skines, 
which they would have let me had for nothing, but I 
would not take them so, but gaue them more then 
vsually I did by way of Trucke, I then told them like- 
wise that if at any time they did Trucke with mee, 
they should haue many good things in leiu of their 
Beauer : and if they did not Trucke it was no matter, I 
would be good friends with them, at which they smiled 
and talked one to the other, saying the other man was 
a lacknape, and that I had the right fashion of the 
Aberieney^'^ Sagamores, then they began to applaude or 
rather flatter me, saying I was so bigge a Sagamore, yea 
foure fathom, which were the best words they could vse 
to expresse their minds : I replied that I was a poore 
man as he had reported of mee. They said againe it 
was no matter what I said, or that lacknape (which is 
the most disgracefull word that may be in their conceite,) 
for all the Sagamores in the Country loued poore Levett 
and was Muchicke sorrie that he would be gon, and in- 
deed I cannot tell what I should thinke of them, for 
euer after they would bring mee any thing they thought 
would giue mee content, as Egges and the whole bodyes 
of Beauer, which in my concite eate like Lambe, and is not 


67. Wood, in his New England's 
Prospect, applies the title Abergin- 

ians to these savages, the people 
whom we denominate the Abnakis. 


inferiour to it : yea the very coats of Beauer & Otter- 
skinnes from off their backes, which though I many time 
refused, yet not allwaies, but I neuer tooke any such 
courtesie from them, but I requited them answerably, 
chusing rather to neglect the present profit, then the 
hopes I haue to bring them to better things, which I 
hope will be for a publicke good, and which I am per- 
swaded were agreeuous sinne, to neglect for any sinister 

And a little before my departure there came these 
Sagamores to see mee, Sadamoyt, the great Sagamore of 
the East Countrey, Majiawormet^ Opparunwit^ Skedra- 
guscett, CogawescOy Somersett^ Conway and others. 

They asked me why I would be gone out of their 
Countrey, I was glad to tell them my wife would not 
come thither except I did fetch her, they bid a pox on 
her hounds, (a phrase they have learned and doevse 
when they doe curse) and wished me to beate her. I told 
them no, for then our God would bee angrie. Then they 
runne out vpon her in euil tearmes, and wished me to 
let her alone and take another, I told them our God 
would be more angrie for that. Againe they bid 
me beate her, beate her, repeating it often, and very 
angerly, but I answered no, that was not the English 
fashion, and besides, she was a good wife and I had 




children by her, and I loued her well, so I satisfied them. 
Then they told me that I and my wife and Children, with 
all my friends, should bee hartily welcome into that 
Countrey at any time, yea a hundredth thousand times, 
yea Mouchicke^ Mouchicke^ which is a word of waight. 

And Somersett tould that his Sonne (who was borne, 
whilst I was in the Countrey, and whom hee would needs 
haue to Name) and mine should be Brothers and that 
there should be muchicke kgamatch^ (that is friendship) 
betwixt them, untill Tajito carried them to his wigwam, 
(that is vntill that they died. 

Then they must know of mee how long I would be 
wanting, I told them so many Months, at which they 
seemed to be well pleased, but wisht me to take heede I 
proued not CJiechaske^ in that (that is, a lier.) They 
asked me what I would doe with my house, I told them 
I would leaue lo. of my men there vntill I came againe, 
and that they should kill all the Tarrantens they should 
see (being enimies to them) and with whom the English 
haue no commarsse. At which they reioyced exceed- 
ingly, and then agreed amongst themselues that when 
the time should be expired, which I spoke of for my 
returne, euery one at the place where he lined would 
looke to the Sea, and when they did see a Ship they 
wold send to all the Sagamores in the Countrey, and tell 



them that poore Levett was come againe. And thus 
insteed of doing me hurt, I thinke that either he or I 
haue done good to all Planters, by winning their affec- 
ons, (which may bee made vse of without trusting of 

But if your Lordship should put up this wrong done 
unto yoii, and the Authority which you gaue them, 
never expect to be obeyed in those parts, either by Plan- 
ters or Fishermen ; for some haue not stucke to say> that 
if such a man, contemning authority, and abusing one of 
the counsell, and drawing his knife upon him at his own 
house, which he did, should goe unpunished, then would 
not they care what they did heereafter. 

And truely let me tell your Lordships, that if euer 
you intend to punish any for disobedience, or contempt 
of authority, this man is a fit instrument to make a pres- 
ident of, for he is rich, and this yeare will gaine the 
best part of 500 pounds by that Countrie, and he hath 
nether wife nor childe, for whose sakes he should be 

And if he goe free, as hee has domineered over vs, to 
whom your Lordships gaue authority, but no power to 
put it in execution, so will he grow unmannerly too with 
your Lordships, as hee hath already begunne. 

And it will discourage men hereafter to take any 



authority upon them, or to goe about to reforme any 
abuses in those parts, and also it will hinder Planters 
for going over, if Fishermen be suffered not onely to 
take away their truck, but also to animate the Sauages 
against them, for this is the way to cause all Planters to 
haue their throats cut. 

But I leaue these things to your Lo. consideration, 
who haue as well power as authority to punish such 
rebellious persons. 

Thus hauing acquainted you with what I haue done, 
seen and heard ; now giue me leaue to tell you what I 
thinke of the Savages, the inhabitants of that country : 
as also to iustifie the innocent, I meane the Countrie of 
New England, against the slanderous reports of this man, 
and some others which I haue heard, and likewise to 
deliver my opinion, what courses I conceiue to be most 
convenient to be taken, for bringing mostglorie to God, 
comfort, honor and benifit to our King, and our owne 
Natiue Nation. 

Chap. III. 



Sheweth the nature and disposition of tlie Savages^ and of 
their severall Gods^ Squanto and Tanto. 

HAUEhad much conference with the Sav- 
egas, about our only true God, and haue done 
my best to bring them to know and ac- 
knowledge him, but I feare me all the labour that way, 
will be lost, and no good will be done, except it be 
among the younger sort. 

I find they haue two Gods, on they love : and the 
other the hate, the god they loue : they call Squanto, 
and to him they ascribe all their good fortunes. 

The god they hate they call Ta^ito, and to him they 
ascribe all their euill fortunes, as thus, when any is 
killed, hurt or sicke, or when it is evill wether, then 
they say Tanto is hoggry, that is angry. When any 
dyes, they say Tanto carries them to his wigwam, that 
is his house, and they never see them more. 

I haue asked them where Squanto dwells, they say 
they cannot tell but up on high, and will poynt upwards. 
And for Tanto, they say farre west, but they know not 

I haue asked them if at any time they haue seene 




Squanto^ or Tanto, they say no, there is none sees them, 
but their Pawwawes, nor they neither, but when they 

Their Pawwawes are their Phisitians and Surgions, 
and as I verely beleeue they are all Witches, for they 
foretell of ill wether, and many strange things, every 
Sagamore hath one of them belongs to his company, 
and they are altogether directed by them. 

On a time I was at a Sagamores house and saw a 
Martins skin, and asked if he would trucke it, the Saga- 
amore told me no, the Pawwawe used to lay that under 
his head when he dreamed, and if he wanted that, he 
could doe nothing, thus we may perceiue how the devill 
deludes those poore people and keep them in blind- 

I find them generally to be marvellous quicke of 
apprehension, and full of subteltie, they will quickely 
find any man's disposition, and flatter & humour him 
strangely, if they hope to get anything of him. And yet 
will they count him a foole if he doe not shew a dislike 
of it, and will say on to another, that such a man is a 

They are slow of speech, and if they heare a man 
speake much they will laugh at him, and say he is a Meche- 
cum^ that is a foole. 



If men of place be too familiar with them, they will 
not respect them : therefore it is to be wished that all 
such persons should be wise in their Carriage. 

The Sagamores will scarce speake to an ordinary 
man, but will point to their men, and say Sanops^ must 
speake to Sanops^ and Sag amors to Sagamors. 

They are very bloudy minded and full of Tracherie 
amongst themselues, one will kill another for their 
wiues, and he that hath the most wiues is the brauest 
fellow : therefore I would wish no man to trust them, 
what euer they say or doe ; but alwaies to keepe a strickt 
hand ouer them, and yet to vse them kindly, and deale 
vprightly with them ; so shall they please God, keepe 
their reputation amongst them, and be free from danger. 

Their Sagamors are no Kings, as I verilie beleeue, 
for I can see no Government or Law amongst them but 
Club Law : and they call all Masters of Shippes Saga- 
more, or any other man, that they see have a commaund 
of men. 

Their wiues are their slaves, and doe all their worke 
the men doe nothing but kill Beasts, Fish, &c. 

On a time reasoning with one of their Sagamors 
about their hauing so many wiues, I tould him it was no 
good fashion, he then asked mee how many wiues King 
James had, I told him he neuer had but one, and shee 



was dead, at which he wondred, and asked mee who 
then did all the Kings worke. You may Imagin he 
thought their fashion was vniuersal and that no King 
had any to worke for them but their wiufs. 

They haue no apparrell but skinnes, except they haue 
it from the English^ or French^ in winter the weare 
the haire side inwards, in summer outwards. They 
haue a peece of a skinne about their loines like a girdle 
and between their legges goes another, made fast to the 
girdle before and behind, which serues to couer their 
nakednesse, they are all thus apparrelled, going bare 
headed with long haire, sometimes you shall not know 
the men from women but by their breasts, the men 
having no haire on their faces. 

When their Children are borne they bind them on a 
peece of board, and sets it vpright, either against a tree 
or any other place. They keep them thus bound vntill 
they be three months old, and after they are contin- 
uall naked vntill they be about fiue or sixe yeares. 

Yee shall haue them many times take their Children 
& bury them in the snow all but their faces for a time, 
to make them the better to endure cold, and when they 
are not aboue 2. yeares old, they will take them and cast 
them into the Sea, like a little dogge or Cat, to learne 
them to swimme. 



Their weapons are bowes and arrowes, I never saw 
more than two fowling peeces, one pistall, about foure 
Halfe-pikes, and three Curt-laces amongst them, so 
that we neede not to feare them much, if wee auoid 
their Treacherie. 

Their houses are built in halfe an houres space 
being onely a few powles or boughes stucke in the 
ground and couered with the barkes of trees. 

Their Language differs as English & Welch. On a 
time the Gouernour was at my house, and brought with 
him a Salvage, who liued not aboue 70. miles from the 
place which I haue made choise of, who talking with 
another Sauage, they were glad to vse broken English 
to expresse their mind each to other, not being able to 
vnderstand one another in their Language. 

And to say something of the Countrey: I will not 
doe therein as some haue done, to my knowledge speak 
more then is true: I will not tell you that you may 
smell the corne fields before you see the Land, neither 
must men thinke that corne doth growe naturally (or on 
trees,) nor will the Deare come when they are called, or 
stand still and looke one a man, untill he shute him, not 
knowing a man from a beast, nor the fish leape into 
the kettle, nor on the drie Land, neither are they so 
plentifull, that you may dipp them up in baskets, nor 



take Codd in netts to make a voyage, which is no truer : 
then that the fowles will present themselues, to you with 
spitts through them. 

But certainely there is fowle, Deare, and Fish enough 
for the taking if men be dilligent, there be also Vines, 
Plume trees, Cherey trees, Strawberies, Gooseberies, and 
Raspes, Walnutts, chesnut, and small nuts, of each 
great plenty ; there is also great store of parsley, and 
divers other holesome Earbes, both for profit and pleas- 
ure, with great store of Saxifrage, Cersa-perilla, and 

And for the ground their is large & goodly Marsh 
to make meddow, higher land for pasture and corne. 

There be these severall sorts of earth, which I haue 
scene, as, Clay^ Sand, Grauill, yea and as blacke fatt 
earth, as ever I sawe in Engla^id in all my life. 

There are likewise these helpes for ground, as Sea- 
sand, Oreworth or Wracke, Mark blew and white, and 
some men say there is Lime, but I must confesse I 
neuer saw any Lime-stone \ but I haue tried the Shels of 
Fish, and I find them to be good Lime. 

Now let any husbandman tell mee, whither there be 
any feare of hauing any kind of Corne, hauing these 
seuerall kinds of Earth with these helpes, the Climat 
being full as good if not better than E^tgland. 

I dare 


I dare be bold to say also, there may be Shippes as 
conueniently built there as in any place of the world, 
where, I haue beene, and better cheape. As for Plancke, 
crooked Timber, and all other sorts what so euer can 
be desired for such purpose, the world cannot afford 
better. Masts and Yeards of all sises, there be allso 
Teees growing, whereof Pitch and Tarre is made. 

And for Sailes and all sorts of Cordish you neede not 
to want, if you will but sowe Hempe and Flaxseede, and 
after worke it. Now there wants nothing but Iron, and 
truely I thinke I haue scene Iron-stone there, but I must 
acknowledge I haue no great iudgement in Mineralls, 
yet I haue scene the Iron-workes in England, and this 
Stone is like ours. But howsoeuer if the Countrie 
will not afford Iron, yet it may be easilie brought, for it 
is good Ballast for Shippes. 

There is also much excellent Timber for loyners and 
Coopers : howsoeuer a worthy Noble man hath beene 
abused, who sent ouer some to make Pippe-staues, who 
either for want of skill or industrie, did no good. Yet I 
dare say no place in England can afford better Timber 
for Pippe-staues, then foure seuerall places which I haue 
scene in that Countrey. 

Thus haue I relaited vnto you what I haue scene, 
and doe know may be had in those parts of New-Eng- 



land where I haue beene, yet was I neuer at the Mesa- 
chusett, which is counted the Paradice of New-England^ 
nor at Cape Ann. But I feare there hath been too faire 
a glosse set on Cape Ann. I am told there is a good 
Harbour which makes a faire Inuitation, but when they 
are in their entertainement is not answerable, for there 
is little good ground, and the Shippes which fished there 
this yeare, their boats went twenty miles to take their 
Fish, and yet they were in great feare of making their 
Voyages, as one of the Masters confessed vnto me who 
was at my house.^* 

Neither was I at New-Plimoth, but I feare that 
place is not so good as many other, for if it were in my 
conceite they would content themselues with it and not 
seeke for any other hauing ten times so much ground 
as would serue ten times so many people as they haue 
now amongst them. But it seemes they haue no Fish to 
make benifit of, for this yeare they had one Shippe Fisht 
at Pemoguid, and an other at Cape Ann, where they haue 
begun a new Plantation, but how long it will continew 
I know not. 

Neither was I ever farther to the West than the lies 

of Shoulds. 


68. There were from forty to fifty 
ships fishing on the New England 

coast while Leyett was in the coun- 
try if we may credit Smith. 


Thus have I done with my commendations of the 
Countrie. I will now speake the worst I know by it. 

About the middle of May you shall haue little Flies, 
called Musketoes, which are like Gnatts, they continue 
as I am told, vntill the last of July. . These are very 
troublesome for the time, for they sting exceedingly 
both night and day. But I found by experience that 
bootes or thicke stockings would saue the legges, 
gloues the hands, and tiffeney or some such things 
which will not much hinder the sight will saue the face, 
and at night any smoake will secure a man. 

The reason of the aboundance of these creatures, I 
take to be the woods which hinders the aire, for I haue 
obserued allwaies when the winde did blow but a little, 
we were not much troubled with them. 

And I verily thinke that if there were a good 
number of people planted together, and that the woods 
were cut downe, the earth were tilled, and the rubbish 
which lieth on the ground wherein they breed were 
burnt, and that there were many chimneyes smoaking, 
such small creatures would doe but little hurt. 

Another euill or inconuenience I see there, the snow 
in winter did lie very long vpon the ground. 

But I understand that all the parts of Christendome, 
were troubled with a cold winter so well as wee. Yet 




would I aske any man what hurt snow doeth? The 
husbandman will say that Corne is the better for it. 
And I hope Cattell may bee as well fed in the house 
there as in England, Scotland, and other Countries, and 
he is but an ill husband that cannot find Imployments 
for his seruants within doores for that time. As for 
Wiues and Children if they bee wise they will keepe 
themselues close by a good fire, and for men they will 
haue no occasion to ride to Faires or Markets, Sysses or 
Sessions, only Hawkes and Hounds will not then be vse- 

Yet let me tell you that it is still almost Christmas 
before there be any winter there, so that the cold time 
doth not continue long. 

And by all reason that Countrey should be hotter 
then England, being many Degrees farther from he 
North Pole. 

And thus according to my poore understanding I 
haue given you the best information I can of the people 
and Country, commodities and discommodities. Now 
giue mee leaue to oppose myselfe against the man before- 
mentioned, and others, who speaks against the Country, 
and plantations in those parts, and to set down such 
obiections as I haue heard them make, and my answers, 
and afterward let wisedome iudge : for my desire is, that 



the saddle may be set on the right horse, and the Asse 
may be rid, and the knaue punished, either for discourag- 
ing or incouraging too much, whosoeuer he be. 


Certaiiu obiections and answers^ with sufficient proues 

how it may be exceeding profitable to tJu Common' 

wealth and all planters and adventurers. 

|HEY say the Country is good for nothing but 
to starue so many people as comes in it. 

It is granted that some haue beene starued 
to death, and others haue hardly escaped, but where was 
the fault, in the Country or in themselues. That the 
Country is as I haue said, I can bring 100 men to iustifie 
it ; but if men be neither industrious nor provident, they 
may starue in the best place of the world. 

About two yeares since one Mr. Weston sent ouer 
about 50 persons to plant, with little prouision ; when 
they came there, they neither applyed themselues to 
planting of corne nor taking of fish, more then for their 
present use, but went about to build Castles in the Aire, 
and making of Forts, neglecting the plentifuU time of 
fishing. When Winter came their forts would not 



keepe out hunger, and they hauing no provision before- 
hand, and wanting both powder and shot to kill Deare 
and Fowle, many were starued to death, and the rest 
hardly escaped. There are foure of his men which 
escaped, now at my plantation, who haue related unto 
me the whole businesse.^^ 

Again, this last yeare there went ouer diuerse at one 
time, and to one place, with too little prouision, some of 
them are dead, yet I cannot heare of any that were 
meerely starued, except one whose name was Chapman^ 
a Londoner, and whether he was starued or no is uncer- 
taine ; but if he were, Gods iust iudgement did appeare. 
For this man (as I am told, by an honest man, who 
came from London with him) brought at the least 80 
pound worth of prouision, and no more but himselfe 
and two servants, which was sufficient for at the least 18 
moneths, if it had been well used. And yet in 5 
moneths after his arivall in New England he dyed 

Let me tell you a strange thing of this man (I haue 
it but by relation from one of his companions) he payed 
for his passage, and his mens, and provision, so that he 


50. Til 18 is to be noticed, that 
wlien Levett wrote tliis book in 1028, 
he then had in his liouse at CaHCo, 
at least four men who had belonged 
to Weston's unfortunate colony. It 

was only two years later that Winter 
went there and secured the services 
of Alger, Baker and Rouse, to fish 
for him at Richmond's Island. Vxdt 
Trelawny Papers, p. 261. 


needed not to haue spent any thing until his arival in 
New England, yet would he at Plimoth (where the ship 
stayed too long for him and others,) spent seven or eight 
pound a week in wine. Tobacco, and whores, and for 
the maintaining of this expence he daily fetched his 
provision from aboard, and sold it at a low rate. And 
when they were at Sea, his Tobacco being spent, he 
gaue usually sixepence for a pipe ; he gave also a sute of 
cloaths, valewd to be worth 50 shillings, for so much 
Tobacco as was not worth halfe a crowne. Nay at last, 
as his Comrade told me, he was glad to become servant 
to one of his servants. Then his Master told him, that 
if hee would work hee would allow him one bisket cake 
a day, if not he should haue but halfe a cake. He made 
choice of halfe a cake, without work ; and so a base lazie 
fellow made a lamentable end. Where was the fault 
now, in the men, or the Country ? 

Another obiection which I haue met with is this : 
That there is nothing got or saued by sending men ouer 
to plant ; neither is it beneficiall either to private men, 
either Aduenturer or Planter, or good for the Common- 

For answer hereunto, first for matter of profite, it is 
well knowne to all the Marchants of the West Country, 
who haue left almost all other Trade but this, and yet is 
growne rich thereby. Secondly 


Secondly, for the Common-wealth consider these 
things : 

I The great complaint that hath for a long time 
been made in England, that our land is overburthened 
with people, and that there is no imployment for our 
men ; so that it is likely they must either starue, steale, or 
proue mutinous. And whether plantations be a meanes 
to help this inconvenience or no, I desire to know ? 

It hath beene likewise said unto me, that it benefits 
the Common-wealth nothing at all to send men ouer 
with provision of cloathes victuals, and continuall sup- 

To that I say, let such men as you send thither to 
plant haue provision as Chapman had for i8 monthes, 
and if after they cannot Hue of themselves, and be bene- 
ficiall either to the common wealth or to themselues, let 
them dye Chapmans death. 

Againe Plantations may be beneficiall to the Com- 
monwealth, by the enlargement of his Majesties Domin- 

Againe by the increase of Shipping, (which is the 
strength of a Nation, and that without wasting of our 
timber which is a commoditie that I feare England will 
find the want off before many yeares passe over, for if 
timber goe to decay as now it doth, we shall scarce Kaue 



any to build, or repare, Ships or houses. Againe tell 
me whither it would be benifitiall to the Common-wealth 
to haue all our idle persons keept to worke and our 
populous Nation disburthened, and yet to haue them 
ready to serue our King and Countrey vpon all occa- 

Lastly, tell me whither it would be benefitial to the 
Common-wealth to haue all poore people maintained out 
of those Artes. And euerie parrish freed from their 
weekely paiments to the poore, which if I doe make 
to appeare, then let me be accounted an vnworthy fellow. 
But first let me set down another obiection, which 
seemes to be of great force, and yet in my conceit is like 
the rest, shallow and that is this. 

If say they there be so many plantations, there will 
be no roome in the Countrey for such Ships as doe come 
yearely to make voiages, and by this meanes Shippes 
shall lye still and decay Marriners and Fishermen shall 
want imployment, and so all will be out of frame if euer 
we shall haue warres. And therefore howsoeuer it 
may be benefitiall to some few persons, yet it will be 
hurtfuU to the Common-wealth. And consequently all 
such as haue any hand in such businesses are euill mem- 
bers in the Common-wealth. 

I answere that if these things were thoroughly ex- 


amined by his Maiestie, the Parliament or Counsell 
Table, it would plainely appeare, that the most of them 
which keepe such adoe against Plantations, are the great- 
est enimies to the publique good, and that their shew of 
care for the Commo-wealth is nothing but a colour, for 
the more cleanely concealing of their vnknowne profits. 
It will also appeare that plantations are for the publique 
good and by that meanes there shall be more and better 
cheape Shippes built, and imploied, more Mariners and 
Fishermen keept to worke then now there are, and 
more people pertakers of the benefits than now there 

Which I prove thus, first there may be Timber had 
to build Shippes, and ground for Corne and keeping of 
Cattel, and all for little or nothing. 

Secondly there may bee more men trained vp in 
fishing then now there is, whose trade is decaied in Eng- 
land, and they ready to sterue for want of imployments. 

Thirdly, there may bee twice so much fish taken 
euery yeare as now there is. For Shippes that goe to 
make Voyages, seldome or neuer keep their boats at Sea 
aboue two Months or ten weekes, for making their 
Voyage, and I dare maintaine that there is Fish enough to 
be taken, seuen Mounths in the yeare if men be there 
ready to take all opportunities. 



Fourthly, the more Fish that is taken the more 
Shippes there must be for the transportation of it. 

Fiftly, whereas now none doth take the benefite but 
a few Marchants, not all the Marchants in the Land, 
no not one of a thowsand. 

By Plantations, not onely all the Marchants in the 
Land, but all the people in the Land may partake thereof. 

And now to shew you how the profite may arise. 


Sheweth how by adventuring of a 100. pounds more or 
lesse, a man may profite so much every yeare^ for ' 
20. yeares or longer^ without any more 
charge the7i at the first. 

MUST confesse I haue studied no other Art 
a longe time but the Mysteries of New Eng. 
la7idsTrB,dey and I hope at last : I haue attained 
to the understanding of the secrets of it, which I thinke 
the Fishermen are sorie for. But it shall be no longer 
concealed, for that I thinke every good subiect is bound 
to preferre the publicke, beforre his own private good. 
First therefore, I will shew you the charge which 




every Marchant is at yearely, in sending their Shipes 
to fish there, and so neere as I can the profit they make 
of such Voyages. Then we will see the charge which 
planters must be at, in sending men over to stay there, 
and the profit they are likely to make, and so by com- 
paring the one with the other, we shall see, which is the 
better and more profitable course. 

A Shipp of 200. Tunn, commonly doth carrie in those 
Voyages 50. men, these men are at no charge but 20. 
shillings a man towards their vittels, neither haue they 
any waiges, but in leiu thereof they haue one third 
part of all the fish and trayne. 

Another third part there is allowed the owners of the 
Shippe for their fraught, and the other third part is 
allowed for the victuall, salte, nets, hookes lines and 
other implements for taking and making the Fish. 

The charge of victualling (which is vsually for 9. 
Mounths,) the salte &c. doth commonly amount to 
about 800 pounds, and for that they haue (as I said one 
third part of the Fish) which is, neere 67. tunne, the 
Shippe being laiden, which will make 1340, Kintalls, 
(at the Market) sometimes when they come to a good 
Market they sell their Fish for 44. Rialls a Kintall, and 
so to 36 Rialls, which is the least, but say they haue 40, 
one time with another, and at that rate one third of 



that Shippes layding doth yeeld 1340 pounds, which 
they haue for disbursing of 800 pounds nine Mounths. 

Now take notice that they are but 8 or 10 weekes in 
taking all their Fish, and about one Mounth longer in 
making it fit to be Shipped, 

Which being considered, then say that such men as 
are sent ouer to plant, haue 12 Months prouisio, 
which will amount to 1066 pounds 13 shillings 4 pence, 
these men stay in the Countrey, and doe take the 
benefit both of the first & last fishing season, & all other 
opportunities, the Fishing continuing good at the least 
seauen Moneths in the yeare, though not all at one 
time : now I hope you will grant that they are as Hkelie 
to take two Shippes lading as the other one, which if 
they doe, one third thereof at the same rate will amount 
to 2680 pounds, the charge you are at being deducted, 
the profit is 1019 pounds 6 shillings 8 pence. Now 
tell me seriously, which is the more profitable course? 

Againe consider, that in all likelihood this Fish is to 
be taken in 5. Moneths, then haue you 7. Moneths more 
to imploy your men in the Countrey euery yeare, about 
building of Shippes, cleauing of pipe-staues, or any other 
thing, and will that be worth nothing? 

Truely this 1 will say, send men ouer but with 18 
Moneths prouision, and Cattell, and Corne to plant, and 




other necessaries, and they shall afford you thus much 
profit yearely, without euer putting you to more charge 
if God blesse them with health, and you from losses, 
(and I neuer heard of any great losse by aduenturing 
thither) and that you bee fitted with good and vnder- 
standing men to ouer-see the businesse, who is able to 
direct them. 


Sheweth how every parish may be freed of their weekly 
payments to the poore^ by the profits which may bee 
fetched thence. With certaine Obiections against 
the thifigs contaifted in this and the for- 
mer chapter^ with answers tJieretinto, 

ND thus haue I shewed you what hopes there 
is of profit by plantations, yet haue I shewed 
you no other meanes to raise it, but by fish and 
timber. I would not haue you say there is nothing else 
in the Country to make any benefite of ; for I assure 
you it is well knowne to myselfe, and others who haue 
beene there, that there are diverse other good things 
there to be had ; but I doe not loue to speake of all at 
one time, but to reserue some, to stop the mouths of 



such prating coxcombs as will neuer be satisfied with 
any reason, but will alwaies cavill though to little purpose. 

And methinks I heare some such people buzzing in 
some other obiections, and bidding me stay, and not 
fish before the net, for there are many lets, as these ; 
There are many ships goe, that makes not so good voy- 
ages as I speake of ; for they are so long beaten in their 
passage, or on the coast, that the best of the fishing is 
past before they be there. 

To that I answer, I speak not what euery ship doth, 
but what some doe and all others may doe, if they be in 
the Country to take all opportunities. 

2. Obict. That it is not possible to make Planta- 
tions so publicke a businesse, as that it should redound to 
the benefit of all the Kings Subiects. And againe that 
there will never be so much money rased as to establish 
such Plantations, for that most men in this age respects 
their own profit 100 times more then the publicke good ; 
and their hearts are so glewed to the world, that you 
shall as soone hang them as draw anything from them, 
though it be to never so charitable an use. And if it should 
be by way of commandment, it would be a grievance not 
to be endured. 

But I would aske such men whether they be so void 
of charity, as that they will not doe themselues good, 



because some others shall haue some by it also ? And 
whether they will be grieued at a man for shewing of 
them how, by the disbursing of 20 shillings, they shall 
haue 20 shillings a year for seuen, ten or twenty years, 
and perhaps for euer ? 

My desire is not that any should be compelled. 
Onely this I could wish, that euery parish would adven- 
ture so much as they pay weekly to the reliefe of the poore 
(which is no great matter.) And so euery shire by itselfe, 
would send ouer men to plant. And if after 18 moneths 
they shall not yearely returne so much profits continu- 
ally as will keep their poore, and ease their purses, (pro- 
uided alwaies, as I said before, that they send such men 
as are fit, and that the Justices of euery Shire be carefuU 
to appoint such a man to be their Captaine and Director 
as is honest, and of good vnderstanding, and that God 
blesse them from losses,) will I be contented to suffer 

And yet let me tell you, that if it should please God, 
that once in seuen yeares a ship should bee cast away 
(which is more than hath beene usuall, for I dare say, 
that for euery ship that is cast away in those voyages, 
there is 100 which commetH safe) yet it is but that yeares 
profite lost, and perhaps not halfe. 

Another obiection may be this, That all men are not 



Fishermen, and that it is not so easie a thing to take 
fish, as I make it. 

To that I answer. That take a survey of all the men 
that goeth in these voyages, and there shall not bee 
found one third of them that are meerly fishermen, and 
no other Trades. 

Nay, I know many ship-Companies, that have amongst 
them house-Carpenters, Masons, Smiths, Taylors, Shooe- 
makers, and such like, and in deed it is most fit 
they should be such : and I saw by experience, that 
divers who were never at Sea before this yeare, proued 
very good fishermen : but I could wish that euer a fift 
part of a Company be Fishermen, and the rest will 
quickly be trained up, and made skillfull. 

I would to God that some one Shire, or more, would 
begin this godly and profitable course. For certainely, 
God hath created all for the use of man, and nothing 
hath he created in vayne. 

And if wee will endure povertie in England wilfully, 
and suffer so good a Countrey as this is to lye wast, I 
am perswaded wee are guiltie of a grievous sinne against 
God, and shall never be able to answer it. 

I could also wish, that the Lords both spirituall and 
temporall, the Knights and others to whome God 
hath given abundance of these outward things, would 



(for the honour of God, the comfort of the poore of our 
Land) ioyne together, and by a voluntary contribution 
rayse a summe of money, and imploy it this way : and 
that the profites might goe to the maintaining of poore 
children, and trayning them up in this course, by which 
they may be kept from begging and stealing. 


Contaiius certaine directions for all priuate persons that 
intends to goe ifito New-England to plant. 

EXT unto this I could wish that euery priuate 
man that hath a desire this way, would consid- 
er these things which I wil heere set downe 
before he goe too farre, lest he depriue himselfe of the 
profite I haue shewed may be had, and be one of those 
that repent when it is too late, and so bring misery upon 
himselfe and scandalize the Country, as others haue 

1. That it is a Countrey, where none can Hue except 
he either labour himselfe, or be able to keepe others to 
labour for him. 

2. If a man haue a wife and many small children, 
not to come there, except for every three loyterers he 



haue one worker ; which if he haue, he may make a 
shift to Hue and not starue. 

3. If a man haue but as many good labourers as 
loyterers, he shall Hue much better there then in any 
place I know. 

4. If all be labourers, and no children, then let him 
not feare, but to doe more good there In seven yeares 
then in England in twenty. 

5. Let no man goe without 18 monetbs prouision, 
so shaU he take the benefit of two seasons before his 
provision be spent. 

6. Let as many plant together as may be, for you 
will finde that very comfortable, profitable and secure. 

Note. IC nill be observed that in I was merely a typographical error of 
the Voyage Chapt. V folloirs ChapL the old printer, which it irea tbooght 

111. This IB BO in the origin^, and | best not to correct 



The Will of the Rev. Robert More, Father-in- Law 

of Christopher Levett. 

Da Domine perficere ; Velle dedisti: 
Jtily 22, Anno Domini 1642. 

N The Name of God Amen, I Robert More 
Master of Artes Preacher of Gods word & Rec- 
tor of the Church & Parrish of Gicslcy growinge 
now weake & feeble by the daily paynes & griefe of the 
Strangwry, Consideringe the Fraylc estate of this poore 
sinful! life. And beinge now about the age of yeares 
doe ordayne and make this my last will and testament as 
foUoweth. And first for my religion & devotion towards 
God, my faith in Christ, & my loue to his Saintes & Ser- 
uantes on Earth, I do freely, boldly & Constantly beleeve 
& Confesse against the damnable heresies of Turkes, 
Pagans, Jewes, Papists, all Phantasticall ffamilists & all 


:nt; 2 and 3, 

twin brother of 

Wife's name unknown. 
Children : 
Robert, bom Feb. 13, 1611. Ursula, 
bapt. Jan. 7, 1617. 


lfiS|27, 1614; 
»t. 26, 
I, Nov. 
I 2,1611; 
be as a 
iy inher- 
; Ben- 
{i, Eliza- 


Name of wife un- 

Anne J^cvett, 
Married Mar. 1623, 
and Mar. 27, 1627. 

Chris. Topham, 
Merchant and Al- 
derman of York, 
died, 1625. 

Joseph Miokle- 
thwaite, Pbysioia 
died Sept. 7, 1668. 

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other old or newe hereticall devises whatsoever, that same 
holy ffaith sound doctrine of Saluation by Christ alone, 
which is published & taught in the Church of England & 
which I have beene learninge all my life out of the pure 
fountayne of the vnchangeable word of God, both in the 
Vniuersitie of Cambridge for the Space of Tenne yeares, 
& in the Countrie euer since & w^ I haue now by the spec- 
iall grace of God publikelye taught & preached constantly 
both in the South & North parts, & in my owne Charge 
especially about the space of years Continuinge to 
the extent of reasonable abilitie, to reade, expound, Cate- 
chise, pray, preach, & sing Psalmes, & neuer at better ease 
then when I am so occupied ; Then for my first Callinge 
unto & charge of this Rectorie, whereunto it pleased 
God to call mee beinge come fro Cambridge when I was 
24 years old to see my friends & stayinge to preach at 
Skipton Castle by the request of y^ noble Earle George 
& his Lady Margaret Countesse of Cumberland Daugh- 
ter to y^ most noble & worth ie ffrancis Earle qf Bedford, 
& there continuinge about a yeare and an halfe preach- 
inge in Craven & once or twise at Giesley vpon intreaty, 
it pleased God thereby to worke such an earnest desire 
& constant resolution in my Predecessor Mr. Bateman 
to resigne & giue ouer his Charge of this people, by 
reason of his owne disabilitie, that the noble Earle of 



Huntington vnderstandinge thereof did acquaint my 
Lord of Cumberland & his Ladye therew^ & moved 
them to make it knowne to that most worthie Earle of 
Bedford writinge his owne ho^^^ letter also to Patron at 
the Court, w^ the Earle of Bedford sollicitinge & pcur- 
inge the helpe of his noble ffriends the Earle of War- 
wicke, his Son in Lawe, the Lo : Peregrin Bartu Lord 
Willobye, The Earle of Oxford & S*" ffrancis Walsing- 
ham, being all about the Court, & hauinge heard mee 
preach it pleased God so to move all their harts as to 
ioyne their purses together & to purchase the Patrons 
title of p^sentinge for euer & to passe their title vnto the 
Lord Willobye only, who did beare the greatest part of 
the Charge, & his honor to p^sent mee first, & after to 
passe the whole Title to mee foreuer, w^ his Lor? did 
most Ho^^y performe under the Scale of his Armes, & 
therefore I do w^ all reverence & thankfullnesse Comend 
their worthie Zeale & holy care to set forward the preach- 
inge of the Gospell as a pattern to all posteritie & in this 
holy faith & true religion : i : to beleeve only in the 
infinite mercies of God the ffather by the merits of the 
sufferings & righteousnesse of Jesus Christ through the 
grace of the holy sanctifyinge spirit, & to worship this 
onely true and eternall God the ffather son & holy Ghost, 
3 persons & one God accordinge to his owne word w* 



out any other Romish, Earthly or humane inventions 
(except such only as for order, decency, or edification) & 
sincerely to loue the Brethren y* do the like, I do most 
ioyfully & constantly Hue & dye, as for the controu'sies 
in our Church about ceremonies & the order and manner 
of gouernment, this is my comfort y* wee cannot iustly 
be charged w* anything y* is simply evill & contrary to 
Gods word though many learned & good men haue 
alwaies holden & do still hold, & y* w* great reason y* 
needlesse ceremonies greatly abused in Poperie & re- 
maininge still in our church are very inconvenient & 
dangerous & therefore ought by the authority & zeale 
of our Christian gou'nours in conuenient time to bee 
removed & not multiplyed : howsoeu[er] for the time by 
the wisdome & humility of ye modest & discreet people 
they may bee tolerated, & yet this also in this case is 
not the least part of my griefe to see so great and strong 
opposition, euen to the hazards & losse of their estates & 
callings, yea to the touch & liuelyhood of many godly 
and learned men, in things of small moment, not touch- 
inge matter but manner, not substance but ceremonies, 
not piety but pollicie, not deuotion but decencie, not 
conscience but comelinesse ; Wherein for myselfe, I do 
confesse, y^ as I could neuer take vpon mee to bee a 
resolute Patron of such humane ordinances, should I 



neu[er] fynd lUst cause of sufficient waight to warrant my 
selfe or any other to oppose or renounce them, being 
comanded by lawfull Authority, but rather regardinge 
the peace of our Church the liberty of the Gospell & 
obedience to Authoritie, I haue held it to befitte & con- 
venient to submit myselfe to a wise & discreet tolera- 
tinge & vsinge of them till the time of reformation ; And 
I haue euer laboured to perswade all others (either 
remaininge w^ mee, or resortinge vnto mee) to follow the 
same Course whereof 'there are many witnesses yet 
liuinge, & many others who are w* the Lord. But most 
wofull & lamentable aboue all other abuses, are those 
dangerous & sacrilegious robberies & spoyles of our 
Churches both in the South & in the North parts 
whereby our Rectories & Parsonages are inappropriated 
& wrongfullie turned into the possession of Covetous 
worldlings, & so into vicarages & miserable Curatships 
of 5^S lo** or 20 marks pensions per annum, or the like, 
w*^ most fearfull & bloody robberie the Devill first devised 
& practiced by y^ robbinge Romish vsurped power 
vnder p^tence of holinesse & charitable relievings of his 
floystred munkeries, Abbats & nunries &c, most griev- 
ously wronginge thereby the maiesty of God himselfe w* 
the Princes & people also of the world, this monstrous 
cryinge abuse hath beene so suffered & continued eu[er] 



since the death of K : H : the 8^^, as y^ all the godly En- 
deavours & zealous care of our famous Ks. & Qs. w^ our 
most reuend Bishops & Ho:^^® nobles & whole Estate 
could neu[er] reforme the same & vpon this wofuUspoill 
& decay of our Church livings Satan hath too violently 
& necessarily drawne in another mischiefe worse (if pos- 
sible) then the former, w*^ is our blind guides or igno- 
rant readinge Ministers the very poyson & plague of 
our Churches the disgrace & shame of the gospell & 
destruction of our people, for insufficient maintenance 
hath bred insufficient Ministers & these two are the 
most wofull & dangerous in our English Church & most 
necessarie to bee reformed. But the Christian care of our 
gracious King, our most reuend Bishops (whose princi- 
pall care & charge it ought to bee) our zealous nobles & 
godly subiects w^ holy worke the Lord for his mercy 
wolde bring to passe in his good appoynted time to the 
glorie of his name & Comfort of his Church. And for 
my earthly estate w^ is not greate but such as God in 
his mercifull providence hath iuged & appoynted to 
bee best for mee, first for my freehold lands, as God 
hath giuen dius Tenements and Lahds vnto mee so do 
I for his sake & to be a poore example of holy devotion 

& charity to others of better ability freely & cheerfully 


giue one speciall Tenement in Menston now in the 



Tenour of Christopher Watson of the yearly rent of 5^^ 
or as it shall bee reasonablie valued hereafter, w* y^ con- 
sent of the sayd schoolemaster vnto y® schoolehouse w^ I 
have lately builded & to the schoolemaster thereof for his 
better maintenance w* all the buildings, Garth & Crofte 
on the backside & all other Closes Crofts & landes there- 
vnto belonginge w* all their appurtenances, in Menston 
aforesayd now in the Tenure of the said Christopher 
Watson or his assignes, prouided alwaies & vpon this 
condition y* the sayd schoolemaster bee alwaies chosen 
& appointed by the Rector of the Church & to have his 
dyet & lodgeinge in the Hall and Parsonage w* the 
Churchinge duties or Tenne Pounds in lue thereof if 
the said schoolemaster cann better pVide for himselfe. 
And secondlie for those ffreehold Lands in Menston 
which I bought of W. Jeffray Pickard & his sonne Wil- 
liam as appeareth by the deeds therof I doe give them 
all to my naturall sonne and heire Timothye More to- 
gether with one little Deske in my greate Parlour con- 
taininge the deeds & writings thereof : that is to say all 
that Capitall Messuage with all the Lands now in his 
own occupation thereunto belonginge or in the occupa- 
tion of his Assignes for & during the Tearme of his natu- 
rall life And to the heires of his body lawfully begotten 
or LawefuUy to be begotten 



and for defalt of such heires then I doe give all those 
said Lands vnto Jeremye Levett my Grandsonne and to 
his heires for ever accordinge to one deede of ffeoffment 
which I haue heretofore made to my worthy ffreinds & 
kinsfolkes, M^ Doctor Micklethwaite & M^ Parsevall 
Levett, Cittizens of Yorke whereby I haue intaild all 
those Lands unto my said Grandsonne Levett for the 
Tearme of his Life and to the heires of his body Law- 
fully begotten for ever. I doe also giue unto him the 
said Jeremy Levet all my best bookes & best Apparrell : 
But as for those other Three Litle Tenements remain- 
ing in my owne right & disposing Lyinge in Menston or 
Burleywoodhead, the first whereof beinge late in the 
Tennour of Robert Nixon and now in the Tennour of 
Walter Fournesse of the yearly rent of seaven Nobles ; 
the second in the Tennour of Richard Sunderland of the 
yearely rent of a Marke ; and the Third in the Tennour 
of Richard Eldsworth of Burley Woodhead of the yearely 
rent of fforty shillings I doe give them all with all the 
Lands buildings and all appurtenances therevnto belong- 
inge vnto my Grandaughter Marye Levett and to her 
heires and Assignes forever in regard of her CarefuU 
attendance about me and her diligent respect of my 
howse keepinge because her portion is the weakest of 
all my Three Grandchildren, As for all other Lands & 




Tenements in Burley, Burley woodhead or elsewhere 
which hee my sonne Timothy hath bought by himself e or 
with my helpe, I leave them all to his owne disposinge. 
And for my Coppyhold Lands in the Forrest of Kharese- 
brough I have disposed and surrendered them hereto- 
fore as appeareth ; Now for my goods vpon this Condi- 
tion that my said sonne & heire doe not att anytime 
hereafter make any Clame thereof or doe not trouble 
my Executors about the same, I doe giue vnto him one 
greate Siluer bowle with two greate Siluer Spoones & 
two Lesse Siluer Spoones and one litle Siluer peice 
for wine & one gold Ringe with all Tables Bedsteads & 
other household Stuffe remaininge in the howse att 
Menston wherein hee now dwelleth: And I doe also 
give vnto my Granddaughter Mary Levett the iust 
somme of Three hundred Pounds for mendinge her 
portion ; Now for my Worthy Learned & Wor^^ Sonne 
in Lawe M' Robert Hitch I doe give vnto him all that 
title and right which I have in the disposinge of the 
Rectory, or Parsonage of the Church & Parrish of Gies- 
ley which was assured & convayed vnto me by the right 
j^Qbie Peregrine Lord Willobye vnder the Scale of his 
Armes with all the evidences thereof assuringe myselfe 
that if my Said Sonne in Lawe M^ Hitch .bee not my 
next Sucessor that then my most hopefull Grandsonne 

M^ Jeremy 


M^ Jeremy Levette shalbe my next Successor & none 
other accordinge to his most faithful! promisse which 
hee hath freely made vnto mee : in assured hope whereof 
I doe also give vnto him my best bedstead in the greate 
Parlour with the greate wainscott Presse and Portall all 
the Glasse with the Iron Barres & Casements with all the 
Lowse window Soles & the Wainscott pertitions in the 
Hall Parlours, Kitchen Iling roomes, Gallerye Chambers 
with all the Mapps and Pictures with all the Seats & Shel- 
ues therein & all the loose boards in the high Lofts & 
over the Oxen & Calves with all other Swall & Timber 
in the Laith, fould or wood and all the Timber for the 
Dove Coate with all Stees and heckes and Plancers in 
the Stable beast howses or fould, with all the Doores 
Lockes & Keys in the Hall, out Kitching, Stables, Gar- 
ners, Layths as they are now, with the same Steepfatt 
and all other Stone troughes ; the out portall gate & all 
the gates about the fould, with all other petitions, ffences 
& Dowres about the inner Courte, Garden & Orchard, 
the value of all which I leave to his owne Estimation : 
and doe thinke them all to litle in regard of his true 
harted Love to his brother Levett & his Sister Mary 
my howsekeeper ; And my will is that all these Severall 
Parselles doe remaine & continue to the vse of my said 
Grandsonne Levet when hee shall enter vnto it, and I 



doe give vnto my said Grandsonne M^ Hitch one little 
Ironbund Chist or Coffer with severall petitions for 
swerall Coynes & two Gaueling Staves in the Hall. It, 
I give to Cozen Ogden in Yorke 40^, and to my honest 
religious Cozen Snawdon for his children 20^. And to 
my true Convert M^ Goulsbrough 20^ to bee payd vnto 
him the ffirst day of May w^ is after my death soe longe 
as he Lives ; To Robert Oldfeild 20^ To Grace Deni- 
son xv^ To Ellen Bransby vj^ viij^. To Isaacke Illing- 
worth vj^ viij^' To Tho : Sergant v^ To Ro : Dinison 
of Yeddon 5^. To John Rimer vj^ viij^ To my Curate 
Tenn Shillings, To my Clarke flfive Shillings ; and to 
Hollins Twelue pence ; ffor my buriall dutyes ; To Eight 
power Children which I have bound ovt Apprentises 
every one of them Twelve pence. To litle Isaack 
Illingworth xij^. Item, I give vnto Mr. Charles Ffair- 
fax my wor^^ & Religious Neighbour my Steile Speire 
in the Portall & two Gaueling Staues in the Kitching ; & 
M*^ ffairfax my perfume gilded bellowes & to my Grand- 
daughter M^s Sara Hitch my Pepper Millne & my greate 
Abbay grater ; And yett to shew my further Care & 
Charitable towards all orderly poore besides our dayly 
releife, att our monthly Cesments our vsuall Collections 
att all our Communions ; And my yearely givinge of 
Eight or Tenn Pounds out of my owne private Box 



for the vse of the power. I doe give ffower Nobles to 
every Towne a Noble to be dealt to every power house 
ffower pence or Sixpence by the dischretion of the 
officers in every Towne with the consent of Thomas 
Bailey, Abraham Bayston, Mathew Smith & William 
Morrell & to haue noe beggin att my ffunerall, And my 
will is this to bee done in the morninge or about Sonne 
Sett ; the greate bell onely beinge told in going to & 
ffrom Church And euery honest able housholder of 
this Towne havinge vj^ sent an houre before or two ; to 
accompany my Corpes And to have two or Three Pot- 
tells of Clarrett wine and a Manchett loafe beinge Cutt 
in fower in the Hall when it goeth forth ; And onely 
the buriall prayers in the Church and soe home ; And 
thus my Debts Legacies & ffunerall expenses beinge 
discharged, The rest of my goods I give to my three 
Children M^ Robert Hitch M^ Jeremy Levett & Mary 
Levett to be equally devided amongest them ; whome 
I also make my Joynt Executors of this my Last will & 
Testament. Domine Jesu veni Cito Amen. Sealed & 
deliuered in the presence of vs Raiph Oates, Curate. 
Abraham Baitsonne. Et Septimodie Mensis Octobres 
Anno D'm 1644 probatum fuit hujus testamenti per 
testimonium Jeremioe Levet. 




Aberieney, 110, IIO71 

Abnakis, 82,92,93,110 

Adams, Nathaniel, Annals of Portis- 

mouth, 90 

Alger, Thomas 126 

Algiers, 16 

All Saints Pavement, 7, ix 

Anni-seeds, 120 

" Anspedwell," the, 46 

Aquamenticus River, 92, 92n 

Arambega, 82 

•* Arbella." the 76 

Argall, Capt. Samuel 41 

Armada, the 3 

Arundel, Thomas Howard, Earl of, 

81, 82 
Autograph of Levett, Christopher, 
29, 31. 37, 66, 66, 69, 62, 64, 66 

Bailey, Thomas 161 

Baitsonne, Abraham 161 

Baker, Edmund 126 

Bancroft's United States, 83 

Banks, Dr. Charles E xl 

Barnsby, Ellen 160 


Basket Island, aS 

Bastable, 102 

Bateman, Rev 141 

Bay of Biscay, 33 

Bay of Cadiz, 33 

Bayston, Abraham 161 

Beauvois. Eugene 82 

Bedford, Francis,* Earl of 141, 142 

Beecher. Sir Willm 70 

Berry's Sussex Genealogy, 2 

Blddeford 21 

Biddeford Pool 21,93 

Blunder, Sir George 36 

" Bonneventure," the 46 

Boothbay, 101 

Boston Harbor, 90 

Bradford, Gov. William 84, 91 

Bradford, Gov. William, History of 

Plymouth Plantation, 16, 84 

Brewster, Edward vii 

Bristol, (England),. .X, 76, 76n, 77, 91 

British Museum, 7 

Brown, Rev. Frederick xi 

Bryant, Hubbard W xi 

Buckingham, Duke of,. 4, 6, 13, 30, 53, 



65, 66, 67, 69, 60, 62, 63, 73, 81. 81n 

Biirk's Virginia, 83 

Burley Woodhead. 147, 148 

Cabot, Sebastian 6, 77 

Cabots, the x 

Cadiz, ..33,34,40 

Caldwell, Mr 71 

Calender of State Papers, 84 

Calles, 40, 41, 46. 47. 48. 60 

Cambridge, (England) 4 

Cape Ann, 122 

Cape Cod, 20, 41, 48 

Cape Da Boca, 40 

Cape Elizabeth, 99, 101, 106 

Capemanwagan, 101, 104 

Cape Mondego, 40 

Cape Porpoise, , . . . 18, 93 

Cape of Sagadahock, 101 

Cape St. Vincent, .40 

Casco, 24, 101 . 102, 104, 126 

Casco Bay, 3, 24, 27, 31, 61, 67, 76. 

101, 106 

Casco River, 106 

Cecil, Edward 32 

Cersa-perilla, 120 

Champlain, Sieur Samuel de...21. 89 

Chapman 126,128 

Charles I, ix, 27. 30, 68. 81 

Charles, Prince 26 

Charter House. xi 

Cherry Trees, 120 

Chestnuts 120 

Choiiacoet 93 

Cleeve, George 99 

Cogawesco, 24, 102, 103, 104, 111 

Coke, Mr 102 

Coke, Sir John . . ..ix, 27, 28, 30, 31, 84 

3t, 39, 66, 66, 67, 68, 60, 63, 66 

Cole, Amias, ;..90/i 

Collins, Dr. F xi, 6 

Columbus, Christoper . . . . ^ 5 

Conway, (Indian chief) 108, 111 

Conway, Edward, Lord ix, 13, 15 


Conway's Letter Book ix, 13 

Cornwall. 61 

Council for planting, ruling, and gov- 
erning New England,. .11, 12, 13, 
14, 16, 25, 36, 46, 74, 81, 82»i, 107 

Council for Virginia, 32. 35 

Cowper, Lord, . ix 

Craven, 141 

Cromwell, Oliver 1 35 

Cromwell, Sir Oliver 85, 45 

Croo, Henry 63 

Crystal Hill, 20.98 

Cumberland. 101 

Cumberland. George, Earl of, 141, 142 
Cumberland, Margaret, Countess of, 

Cushing's Island, 21, 99 

Dallaway's Sussex, 2 

De Costa, B.F 83 

Delaware, Lord 41, 83 

DeMonts, 21 

Denison, Grace 160 

Derbyshire, ix 

Devereux, Robert 43 

Diamond Island, 21,99 

Dinison, Ro. : 160 

Doncaster, xi, 72, 73 

Doncaster Bridge. 72 

Don River, 72 

Dorsetshire vii,8, 35 



Dover, (England) 20 

Downing, Emanuel 76 

Drake, Sir Francis 3,4,33 

"DreadnaughV'the 45 

Dunk^rkers, 51 

Eagle Island, 03 

Eldsworth, Richard 147 

Elizabeth. Queen 5, 43 

Elizabethan Age, the 4 

Endicott, John x, 74, 76 

England, 5, 16, 25, 32, 35, 36, 38, 47. 

120. 121 

Essex, Earl of, 41, 43, 49 

Exeter. Earl of, 32 

Fairfax, Charles 150 

•' Fairmaids," 51 

Fane, Mr ix 

Farrington, 11 

Fish, strange, 85 

Fisheries, the 38, 92, 99, 101, 120, 122n, 


Fletchers' Neck, 93 

Fore River, 21, 100. 105 

Forests, protection of, 10, 11 

Forster's Yorkshire, 2 

Foumesse, Walter . 147 

Fowl abundant, 91, 120 

France, 30, 60 

Friar's Bridge 72 

Frobisher, Sir Martin 4 

Fulford 6, xi 

Fumados, 51 

Gardiner, Sir Christopher. . . .75, 76/i 
Giesley, see Guisley. 

Gilbert, Sir Humphrey 4 

Goold's Portland, ....107 

Gooseberries, 120 

Gorgeana, 92 

Gorges, SirFerdinando,.,.ll, 12», 15, 
16, 18, 22, 23, 31, 31n, 37, 43, 76, 83, 

90, 92, 105 
Gorges, Robert 15, 16n, 17, 31, 81, 90, 

91, 102 

Gouldsborough, (Maine) 150 

Greenwich, (England) 15 

Guisley, 6, 7, ix, 141, 148 

Hackett, Frank W 90 

Hakluyt Richard, 27 

Hamburgers, 51 

Harleian Society, 2 

Hartwell, Henrico 76 

Harvey, Capt. John .54 

Harvey, Sir John 83,84 

Heath, Ro 70 

Henrietta, Princess 25 

Henry I, •. 2, viii 

Henry VII 1 

Henry VIII, 145 

Herrings, 99 

Hitch, Robert 148, 150, 151 

Hitch, Sara 150 

Holdemess, John, Earl of 81,82 

Hollins, 150 

Horsford, Eben N 82 

House Island, 21. 99, 105, 106 

Hudson, Henry 82 

Hunter's, Doncaster 2 

Hunter's, South Yorkshire 2 

Huntington, Earl of 141, 142 

Illingworth, Isaac 150 

Indians, ) 20. 22, 23, 24. 57, 67, 82, 90, 
Savages, j 92, 98, 101, 105, 106, 108, 

114, 115 

Iron, 121 



Isle of Rh^,. (50, 62 

Isles asses hautes, 89 

Isles of Sholes, 17, 89, 90, 122 

James I,. . .5, 8, 30, 36, 72, 81, 109, 117 
Jarvis, John, Earl of St. Vincent, . .40 

Jellburt, Captain 45 

Jesuit Colony at Mount Desert,. . .41 
Jones, William vii, 7, 8, 71 

Kennebunk River, 18 

Khareseborough, 148 

Killultagh, Viscount 15 

Leary, Lieutenant 107 

Levett Arms, viii, 1 

Levett, Capt. Christopher, entitled of 
Yorkshire, 2 ; baptism of, 2 ; par- 
entage of, 2, 3; little known of 
the youth of, 3 ; education of, 4 ; 
avenues for his advancement re- 
stricted^ 5 ; attached to Bucking- 
ham, 6, 7; intimate with the 
More family, 6 ; married Mercy 
More, 7 ; children bom of the first 
marriage, 7 ; employed in the 
royal forest, 7; his work as 
Timber Measurer, 7, 8 ; value of 
his book, 9 ; rarity of the book, 
9n ; Woodward of Somersetshire, 
10, 11 ; death of his wife, 11 ; 
second marriage of, 11 ; children 
of the second marriage, 11; con- 
templated a voyage to New Eng- 
land, 13; land grant to, (1623), 
13, 13n ; Conway's letter concern- 
ing, 14, 15 ; not successful in in- 
teresting his Yorkshire friends 
in the enterprise, 15 ; set out for 

New England, 15, 16n; at Isles 
of Shoals, 17, 89, 90 ; at Odioms' 
Point, 17, 90n; met Thompson, 
Gorges and members of the new 
government, 17, 90, 91; coasted 
eastward, 17-24, 92, 93; his 
cheerful spirit, 19, 73, 74, 96; 
seized with a chill, 21, 97 ; found 
the Indians friendly and hospi- 
table, 23, 100, 101, 102; decided 
upon a place of settlement, 24, 
104, 105, 105n ; erected a fortified 
building, 24, 105 ; bade adieu to 
the Indians, 24; reached Eng- 
land, 25 ; found none bold enough 
to assist in colonization, 25, 26 ; 
sought a command in foreign ser- 
vice, 26 ; spent Christmas (1624) 
at Sherborne, 26 ; letter to Coke, 
27, 28, 29; chafed under en- 
forced idleness, 30; letter to 
Coke, 30, 31 ; became interested 
with Gorges, 31 ; disappeared 
from sight for a brief period, 31 ; 
in the expedition of Oct. 5, 1625, 
against Spain, 31--34; letter to 
Coke, 34-37; desired command 
of the Neptune, 36, 37 ; asked to 
give an account of the expedition 
to Cadiz, 37, 38; practical sug- 
gestions of, 38, 39; desired to ap- 
pear before the Council, 39, 52 ; 
his proposals how to reduce the 
power of Spain, 39-53; applied 
to Nicholas for a ship, 53, 54, 55 ; 
appealed to Coke, 55, 56; not 
forgetful of his plantation in New 
England, 57 ; his dependence on 



Coke, 67; wearied with petty 
jealoasies, 67 ; letter to Coke, 68, 
69 ; lost sight of for nearly a year, 
69; not with Buckingham, at 
Isle of Rh^, 60; letter to Coke 
beseeching him not to let New 
England fall into the hands of 
the enemy, 61, 62 ; met Bucking- 
ham, 63; letter to Coke, 63, 64; 
his opinions relative to New Eng- 
land, 64-66 ; his persistence bore 
fruit, 66, 67; grant from the 
King, 68-71 ; contributions taken 
up, 71 ; prepared an account of 
his experience in New England, 
71; petitioned parliament, 1627, 
in relation to his collecting tolls 
at his bridges, 71, 72 ; his patent 
not sustained, 72, 73, 73n ; busy 
with his schemes of settlement, 
73 ; met Winthrop at Salem, 74, 
76; how came he in New Eng- 
land, 74, 76 ; died and was buried 
at sea, 76, 76n ; his ship met by 
his widow, 76 ; his estate admin- 
istered by his widow, 76, 76m, 
77n; his character, 19, 24, 73, 
74; autograph, 29, 31, 37, 66, 56, 
69,62,64,66; mentioned, vii, viii, 
89, 90, 91, 93, 94, 99, 100, 103, 
106n, 106, 109. 110, 113, 122, 126, 

Levett, Elizabeth viii. ix, x, 11 

Levett, Mrs. Elizabeth 1 

Levett family, 1,4 

Levett, Frances x, 76 

Levett Inn, 4 

Levett, Jeremy 4, 7, 147, 149, 151 

Levett, John 4, 4»i 

Levett, Mary 7, 147, 148, 149, 161 

Levett, Mercy 6, 7, 1 1 

Levett, Percival viii, 2, 147, 149 

Levett, Rebecca 7 

Levett, Richard 3 

Levett, Robert 1 

Levett, Sarah 7 

Levett, Thomas 1 

Levett, Timothy 11 

Levett, William 72 

Levett's Book, xi 

Levett's River, 22.100 

London. vii, ix, xi 

Lottisham, Frances 11 

Lottisham, Oliver 11 

Love, Capt. Thomas 46 

Mackey, James 106 

Mackey's Island, , 106 

Macworth, Arthur 22 

Macworth's Island, xii, 22, 106 

Madena, Duke of 43, 49 

Maine, 18 

Maine Historical Society vii, 107 

Maine, Province of 26 

Mansfeldt, Count 26 

Maria, Princess of Spain 26 

Martin, Richard 22 

Martin's Point, 22 

Mason, Capt. John 76, 90 

Massachusetts, 90, 122 

Massachusetts Bay, 74 

Massachusetts Historical Society 

Publications, 90 

Maverick, Amias 90 

Maverick's Description of New Eng- 
land 107 



Maverick, Samuel 90, 106, 107 

Melbourne House, ix, 27, 39 

Melton, viii, 1, 2 

Menawormet, 102,111 

Menston,. . . 145, 146, 147 

Micklethwaite, Mr. Dr 147 

Mill Bridge, 72 

Millers* Doncaster, 2 

Monhegan Island, 20, 98, 104 

Monopolies. 12, 72 

More, Mercy ix, 6 

More, Rev. Robert 6 

More, Rev. Robert, Will of 140 

More, Timothy 146, 148 

Morrell, William 16, 151 

Morton, Thomas, 76, 76n 

Mosquitoes, 123 

Mount Desert, 41 

Munjoy Island, 22 

Murphy, Henry 82 

Negro Island, 93 

Neiirs Virginia Carolorum, 54 

" Neptune," the 36. 37 

New England, vii, viii, ix, x, 11, 13, 
15, 16, 16/1, 17,25,28,31. 36,37, 
38, 41, 61, 52, 53, 67, 61, 63, 67, 
70, 71. 73. 74, 75, 82, 83, 84. 85, 
89, 98, 105, 114, 121, 122, 123, 126, 
127. 131, 138. 

New England Patent, 25 

Newfoundland. 51 

New Plymouth, see Plymouth, Mass. 

Nicholas, Edward 53, 54, 55, 57 

NicoU, Ferdinando 76 

Nixon, Robert 147 

Normanton, viii, 1 

Northern Colony, 81 

North Yarmouth, 101 

Norumbega, 82 

Nova Albion, 82 

Gates, Ralph 151 

Odiorne's Point, 17, 90 

Ogden, 150 

Oldfield, Robert 150 

Old Orchard Beach, 21 

Opparun wi t, Ill 

Oxford, Earl of, 142 

Pannaway, 90,90» 

Paradise of New England, the... .122 

Paris, 59 

Pascataquack, 76 

Pascattaway 92 

Paul's Churchyard, vii 

Pawwawes, 116 

Paynter, Rev. Henry, 76n, 77/i 

Peaks' Island, 21,99 

Pemaquid 102, 103, 122 

Pennington, Thomas 56 

Penobscots, the 23 

Pesmokanti, 92 

Pickard, William 146 

Pickard, W. Jeffrey 146 

Pierce, Capt. William 74 

Pilchards, 51 

Pilgrims, the 91 

Pipe-staves, 121 

Piscataqua, 76 

Piscataqua River, 17, 90 

Pitch, 121 

" Plantation." the 83 

Plum trees. 120 



Plymouth, (England,) 30, 31, 34, 39, 

62, 76, 90 
Plymouth, (Massachusetts,) 12, 16,82, 

84, 84n, 91, 122, 127 

" Poor Johns," 61 

Popham, Sir John 28 

Portland, (Maine,) xi, 77 

Portland Harbor 21, 23, 67, 99 

Portsmouth, (England,) 64 

Portsmouth, (New Hampshire,) 90, 92 

Power Children, the 160 

Presumpscot Fall, 22, 100 

Presumpscot River, 22, 23, lOOn 

Prince Society, 12, 16 

Privy Council 16, 67, 76, 76, 82 

Probate of Bristol, x 

Public Record Office, 13 

Public Records, ix 

Puntal, Fort at, aS, 41, 44 

Purchase, S 4 

Putney, Baron Cecil 32 

Quack. 97,99, 102, 104 

Quack, name given to the territory 
explored by Levett, 21 

Ralegh, Sir Walter 4, 11 

Ram Island, 93 

Raspes, 120 

Ratcliff, Philip 76 

Records of Council of New England, 


Rh6, Isle of 60, 62 

Richmond Island,. . .... 22 

Rich , Robert, 82 

Rimer, John 150 

Rochelle, 56,60 

Rolls House, xi 

Rotherforth, Alexander 3 

Rotherforth, Elizabeth vlii, 3 

Rotherforth, Robert 3 

Rouse, Nicholas 126 

Saco, 18. 21,93, 93n 

Saco Bay, 97 

Saco River, 17, 19, 20, 93, 94, 96, 97, 


Sadamoyt, 23 

Sagadahock 101 

Sagadahoc River, 23 

St. Martin 60 

St. Mary, port of, 49 

St. Mary's Bridge, 72 

St. Michael le Belfry, 7 

Salem x, 74, 76, 76, 76» 

Salmon, 99,100 

Salmon abundant, 22 

Sainsbury, William Noel xi 

Sassafras, 120 

Savages, see Indians. 

Sawaguatock, 93 

Scrope, Lord Emanuel, 15 

Sergan t, Tho 160 

Sewairs Ancient Dominions of 

Maine, 83 

Sherborne, vii, viii, 7, 8, 11, 26, 29, 30, 
35, 37, 62, 63, 64, 76, 76n 

Shurtleff , Nathaniel B 90 

Skelton, Rev. Samuel 74 

Skipton Castle, 141 

Skitterygusset 23, 111 

Smith, Capt John 11, 16n, 82. 89, 122 

Smith, Matthew 161 

Smith's Isles, 89 

Snawdon, 160 

Snydale, 1 



Somerset, 102, 103, 108, 111, 112 

Somersetshire, vii, 10, 11 

Sother Cape, 40, 44, 48, 50 

Southern Colony, 81 

Southport 101 

Sowocatack, 93 

Spain, ... .3, 26. 31, 32/i, 33, 38, 39, 41 


Spaniards, 3, aS, 34, 40, 41 

Spelman, Sir Henry, 13 

Spurwink, 17, 20. 99 

Squibb, Capt. Thomas, 16 

Squanto, 115, 116 

Stage Island, 93 

State Papers, 83,84 

Stoke's Bay 56,66 

Strawberries, 120 

Stuart, James 5 

Sturgions, 99 

Sunderland. Earl of, .... : 15 

Sunderland. Richard 147 

" Susan and Ellen," the. .32, 37, 56, 56 

" Swiftsure," the 41 

Sykes, Dr. John xi 

Tanto, 112, 116,116 

Tar, 121 

Tarrantens, 112 

Thaker, Mr. 29 

Thevet's Cosmogrophie, 82 

Thompson, David 17, 90 

Thompson, Mrs. David 90 

Timber in English forests. 10 

good store of, in New Eng- 
land,.... 91.92,101,121 

Trelawny Papers, 90, 92, 107, 126 

Trelawny , Robert 22, 105 

Tucker, Richard 99 

Verrazano, Hieronimus 83 

Vetromile's Abuakis. 82 

Villiars, George, see Buckingham, 
Duke of. 

Vines, Richard, 21, 22 

Virginia, 54, 66, 81, 82, 83 

Virginia Company, , . . 5 

Walnuts, 120 

Walsingham, Sir Francis 142 

Warwick, Earl of 81,142 

Waters, Henry F., xi 

Watson, Christopher 146 

Waymouth, Capt. George 99 

Wentworth, Sir Thomas 73 

Wessagussett, 91 

West, Lady Anne 83 

West, Capt. Francis 16. I6/1, 82, 83, 84 

West Indies, 38, 61, 52 

West, Sir Thomas 83 

Weston, Mr. 16, 126, 126 

Weston, Thomas. 91, 91/i 

Weymouth. (Massachusetts,) 91 

White Mountains, 94 

Wiggin, Capt. Thomas 76 

" William," the 76 

Will of Rev. Robert More, 140 

Willoughby, Lord Peregrin, 142 

Wimbledon, Lord 32, 33, 34, 4()w 

Winter, John 22,106,126 

Winthrop's Journal, x 

Winthrop's, Gov. John, New Eng- 
land, 74,76,76 

Winthrop, John, Jr 76 

Witheridge, Mr. 102 

Woodhouse, 1 

Wood Island, 93 

Wood's New England Prospect,.. 110 

Yardley, Sir George . 


York, Cowity of, ( vii 
Yorkshire, ) 
York Deeds, 

York, (England,) viil, ix, xl. 2. 7, 13, 

14, 147, IGO 

York, <Maine.) 24, 65. 92,09, 101, 102, 


York, President of, 13,15 

YorkUiver, IS 

Young's, Aleinnder, Chronicles of 
the Pilgrims, HO 

Note. This indei was made by Kdward Ueuham, Esq., ot New Bedford, Mass. 

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IB^2iC/2^>^.«SI\ b 


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